by the war in America; but should the supply of American cotton be much longer deferred, the chief advantage in the manufacture of cotton possessed by England over the Continental States will be lost.

Should

Should the war not disorganise the labour of the South more than it has up to this time, there will be no diminution of importance in the supply of cotton which she will hereafter be able to furnish. no more of the cotton already gathered be destroyed, there will be, at least, as much on the plantations as would amount to a full crop; and should the war close before March 1, 1863, the crop for that year would not be so much diminished by the desolation of the plantations on the coast and rivers as might be thought, since the large excess of provisions in the country will enable the rest to cultivate a greater area in cotton.

The question of the future political relations of India might here be discussed; but this, though of great interest in connection with the cotton question, would lead us too far. It would be easy to show that, supposing India as capable of furnishing England with cotton as the Southern States, still, from political causes, this supply will be, in the future at least, equally liable to disturbance as that from the South.

The cotton trade of England, gigantic as it may seem, is small in comparison with what it may become, in case of the continued prosperity of the Southern States, as it is but in its infancy.

LONDON: December 1862.

BOLLING A. POPE.

THE SECOND WAR OF INDEPENDENCE

IN AMERICA.

CHAPTER I.

POLITICAL RELATIONS OF THE STATES OF THE UNION
TO EACH OTHER.

THE first tendency of distinct communities in America to form political leagues is to be sought for at a period soon after the settlement of the colonies in New England, about the middle of the seventeenth century. As early as the year 1607 the English had planted a colony in Virginia, and a few years subsequently the Dutch one in New York. It was at a still later period that the English established themselves in the region afterwards known as New England.

The presence of the Dutch settlers in New York called forth a feeling of jealousy on the part of certain colonies of English origin, which caused them to conclude an offensive and defensive álliance,

B

to which they gave the name the United Colonies. of New England.' An examination of the character of this first confederation shows that its provisions were limited to a state of war, to the relations of its members with the Indians, and to the rendition of fugitives from justice. In all other respects the jurisdiction and government of each colony was reserved to itself. On more than one occasion, it may be remarked, did it occur that differences arose about the construction of these simple Articles of Union.*

From this it will appear that the sole motive for union was self-defence; and it is singular to observe that the provisions of this first confederation, in substance, obtained a conspicuous place in the construction of the later American Union.

The second political league that claims our attention in America was that of all the English colonies on the Atlantic coast, which was formed in compliance with the recommendation of their delegates in Congress assembled at Philadelphia in September

1774.

When the colonies sent their delegates to this general Congress at Philadelphia, alleging that the English Government had deprived them of a part of their inalienable rights, there was no intention on Philadelphia, 1856.

* Tucker: 'History of the United States.' Vol. i. p. 29.

COMPLAINTS OF THE COLONISTS.

3

their part of revolting from the crown of England. On the contrary, the sole design was to devise means for obtaining redress of their different grievances. To some of the delegates no instructions whatever were given, except to attend the Congress. This was true in the case of New Jersey and New York.

The chief ground of complaint was, notoriously, the fact that taxes had been imposed upon the colonies without their consent. It was contended that in conformity to the English constitution, no portion of the country could be taxed without being represented, and that it was both unconstitutional and unjust to deny to the colonies the right of sending representatives to the English parliament, or at least of having a parliament of their own.

As a second cause of grievance was characterised the infringement of the right of personal liberty of the colonists; who instead of being tried by peers of their own country, as other English subjects, were transported to England, there to answer to criminal accusations before foreign tribunals.

Accordingly Congress made a declaration of the fundamental rights of all the colonists, giving prominence to the right of trial by jury, and security of personal liberty by means of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.

It was only when it was ascertained that the