Abraham Lincoln, Volume 1Houghton, Mifflin, 1893 - 4 pages |
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Page 119
... entirely a slave - holding nation , or entirely a free - labor nation . " Seward's Works , new edition , 1884 , iv . 292 . But Seward ranked among the extremists and the agitators . See Lincoln and Douglas Deb . 244. After all , the ...
... entirely a slave - holding nation , or entirely a free - labor nation . " Seward's Works , new edition , 1884 , iv . 292 . But Seward ranked among the extremists and the agitators . See Lincoln and Douglas Deb . 244. After all , the ...
Page 124
... entirely irrelevant ; since the opinion of " the fa- thers " could not make slavery right or wrong . Many times therefore did Douglas charge Lincoln with having said " that the Union could not en- dure divided as our fathers made it ...
... entirely irrelevant ; since the opinion of " the fa- thers " could not make slavery right or wrong . Many times therefore did Douglas charge Lincoln with having said " that the Union could not en- dure divided as our fathers made it ...
Page 137
... entirely evident that Lin- coln held a faith widely different from that of the great crusading leaders of Abolitionism at the East.1 Equally marked was the difference between him and them in the matters of temper and of the attitude ...
... entirely evident that Lin- coln held a faith widely different from that of the great crusading leaders of Abolitionism at the East.1 Equally marked was the difference between him and them in the matters of temper and of the attitude ...
Page 138
... entirely successful . But Lincoln never seemed moved by the desire . " All I have to ask , " he said , " is that we talk reasonably and rationally ; " and again : " I hope to deal in all things fairly with Judge Douglas . " No innuendo ...
... entirely successful . But Lincoln never seemed moved by the desire . " All I have to ask , " he said , " is that we talk reasonably and rationally ; " and again : " I hope to deal in all things fairly with Judge Douglas . " No innuendo ...
Page 145
... entirely manifest in the tone of his speeches . They have an earnestness , a gravity , at times even a solemnity , unusual in such encounters in any era or before any audiences , but unprecedented " on the stump " before the uproarious ...
... entirely manifest in the tone of his speeches . They have an earnestness , a gravity , at times even a solemnity , unusual in such encounters in any era or before any audiences , but unprecedented " on the stump " before the uproarious ...
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Common terms and phrases
Abolitionism Abolitionists Abraham Lincoln afterward amid anti-slavery April army Baltimore believed better Buchanan Buell campaign candidate citizens coln command Compromise concerning Confederacy Confederate Congress Constitution convention declared Democrats Douglas duty election fact favor February February 22 Federal feeling felt fight force Fort Sumter friends gave Halleck hand Herndon Illinois inaugural January Jefferson Davis Judge Logan Kentucky knew Lamon later leaders Lecompton Constitution legislature less March matter McClellan ment military mind Missouri Missouri Compromise nation never Ninian W nomination North Northern numbers opinion party passed patriotism political politicians popular vote position President question Republican Sangamon County Scott seceded secession Secessionists Secretary seemed Senate Seward sion slave Slave Power slavery soon South Carolina Southern speech Stanton story success Sumter territory thing Thomas Lincoln tion troops truth Union Unionists United uttered Virginia Washington Whig words
Popular passages
Page 133 - I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Page 153 - Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation ; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the National Territories, and to overrun us here in these Free States? If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, fearlessly and effectively.
Page 116 - A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push...
Page 74 - Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have the right to rise up and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them better.
Page 134 - I hold that notwithstanding all this there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
Page 291 - And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional republic or democracy — a government of the people by the same people — can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes.
Page 221 - ... rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man, that slavery, subordination to the superior race is his natural and normal condition. "This, our new government, is the first in the history of the world based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth.
Page 123 - sacred right of self-government," which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated...
Page 219 - It follows from these views that no state, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void; and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
Page 152 - If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws, and constitutions against it, are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension - its enlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant, if we thought slavery right; all we ask, they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right, and our thinking it wrong, is the precise facts upon...