ings to Divine Providence for its care for us; let us supplicate it to continue to direct us in our duties, as it has led us to victory, and to help us to consolidate the foundations of the republic, cemented as they are with blood, that the republic may endure forever. Nor let us forget the millions of toiling men of foreign countries who, through this trial, have given us their sympathies, their support, and their prayers, and let us invite them to share with us in our triumph. That done, let us trust ourselves through the future to that great God who will guide us in the future as he has guided us to this time in his infinite goodness." Listen to his improvised successor in his inaugural address: "The working and the honest support of the great principles of free government have been the objects of my whole life. The duties of head of the state devolve on me; I will discharge them as I best may; God alone controls the result." Listen, on the other hand, to his rival, Jefferson Davis, president of the rebel confederacy, in his late message of March 13, 1865: "Let us learn to rise above every egotistic consideration; let us learn how to make for the country the sacrifice of all that belongs to us; let us learn to bow humbly to the will of God, and invoke with reverence the blessings of our Heavenly Father, to the end that, as he protected our fathers in a contest similar to our own, He may deign to permit us to defend our homes and our altars, and to maintain inviolate the political rights of which we are the inheritors." Listen, again, to the gallant Lee, general-in-chief of the insurgent army, in his farewell proclamation, after the capitulation of the 10th of April: "Soldiers, you will carry with you the satisfaction of duty faithfully performed; and I sincerely pray that a merciful God may grant you his blessing, and extend his protection over you. With an admiration without bounds of your devotion to your country, and with great remembrance of your kind and generous consideration toward me, I make you my affectionate farewell. "R. E. LEE, General." Listen, in fine, to the representative of the United States in France, Mr. Bigelow, responding to an address of his countrymen at Paris on the 11th of May: This blow has fallen with peculiar severity, and I thank you for the faithful eloquence with which you have interpreted our common sorrow. "But no crime was ever committed that was not an involuntary homage to virtue. The war between the principles of good and evil is always waging; and if the Lamb that took away the sins of the world had to bear his testimony upon the cross, why should he who proclaimed deliverance to a race of bondmen be safe from the treacherous hand of the assassin? How more appropriately could our great national reproach ultimate itself? Was it more than historic justice to mark the grave of chattel slavery in the United States by a crime that was never perpetrated, whatever the pretence, except in the interest of slavery? "Those who, like myself, are accustomed to search for the hand of God in all the phenomena of human life, cannot but feel as, after much reflection, I am led to feel, that our people were never nearer to Him than at the dreadful moment when we seemed, humanly speaking, most deserted. What revelations that crime has made." The nation whose representatives and civil and military chiefs speak such language in such a crisis is a great nation, and, I add, a great Christian nation." I know not whether the eye of God, casting a regard down to earth, would find there, in the times in which we live, a sight more worthy of him. All that, some will say, does not pass beyond a vague and imperfect Christianism-a Christianism too close upon Deism, like that of Washington. That may be true, but, as the Bishop of Orleans says, we are still far from this in Europe. Vague and imperfect as it may be, it appears that the most scrupulous and exacting of Catholics can nevertheless admire and respect it, for Pope Pius 9th has not disdained to contribute to the monument of Washington. If it be just to apply in politics the rule laid down by our Lord for a spiritual life," By their fruits ye may know them," I think we may look without much inquietude to the future of the United States, and of all nations which, placed under the same conditions, shall know how to march in the same path. The social constitution which produces a Lincoln, and others like him, is a good tree, an excellent tree, whose sure fruits leave nothing to envy in the products of any monarchy or of any aristocracy. I know very well there are other fruits more pungent and less savory; but those mentioned suffice to justify the trust and hope which I feel, and which I would inspire in all who wish to leave, not merely their bones, as Lacordaire said, but their heart and their recollections on the pleasant side of things. Let us, then, turn away our vision from all that in the Old World draws us by a too natural descent towards discouragement, depression and apathy, and let us seek beyond the Atlantic to breathe the inspiration of a better future. Those who, like me, have grown gray in the faith in a future of liberty, and the necessity of its alliance with religion, must without cease recall the fine language of Tocqueville and of Madame Swetchince: "The effort, outside of self, and more still the effort within, is more necessary in proportion as one advances in age than in youth. I compare man in this world to a traveller, who approaches without stopping a cold and colder climate, and is obliged to make more effort the further he goes. The great malady of his soul is the cold, and to combat this redoubtable evil he must not only keep the active movement of his spirit on the alert by work, but also by friction with his fellow beings in the affairs of the world. It is especially in his old age that he is no longer permitted to live on what he has already acquired, but must make an effort to achieve more; and in place of reposing on ideas on which he would soon become drowsy and oblivious, must, without ceasing, place himself in contact and in contest with ideas that are adopted by what is suggested by the state of society and of opinions at the period that has been reached." All this is true, not only of old people but of old parties and also of old creeds. Ours is the oldest in the world. It is its august privilege, it is also its glory and its strength. But that this strength in its application to public and private life may not fade, may not waste itself on vain chimeras, it must be unceasingly refreshed in the living waters of the time in which God has given us life, in the current of the emotions of the legitimate aspirations of those whom God has given us for brethren. Let us, then, make advantage of the fact that the Almighty has vouchsafed to us to witness this great triumph of liberty, of justice, and of the Gospel; of this great defeat of wickedness, of egoism, of tyranny. Let us thank him for having given to Christian America vigor enough and virtue enough to maintain so gloriously the promises of her youth. Let us adore his goodness, who has spared us the shame and sorrow of witnessing the miserable miscarriage of the great hope of modern humanity. CH. DE MONTALEMBERT. Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward. No. 111.] [With three enclosures.] LEGATION of the United States, Paris, June 1, 1865. SIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith a note which I handed to his excellency Monsieur Drouyn de Lhuys on the 29th ultimo, and a copy, with translation, of a reply to it, which he handed to me yesterday. They are severally numbered enclosures 1, 2, and 3. In his note of yesterday you will find an avowal of his readiness to withdraw from the confederates the quality of belligerent. This, I presume, is intended to be regarded as a practical withdrawal of the declaration of neutrality of June, 1861. I was informed by Lord Cowley, whom I met this morning at the funeral of Marshal Magnan, that his government would probably make a like communication to our government to-day or to-morrow. From this I infer, what I have supposed from the beginning was the case, that neither government takes a step in shaping its policy towards the United States except in conjunction with the other. I suppose the action taken is sufficiently decisive for all practical purposes, though the declaration of Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys leaves something to be desired in that respect. At all events, I shall leave the subject where it is until I hear from you after the receipt of this. I am, sir, with great respect, your very obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. Mr. Bigelow to M. Drouyn de Lhuys. JOHN BIGELOW. SIR: I have received the note which your excellency did me the honor to address to me on the 20th instant, in reply to mine of the 10th, in reference to the imperial declaration of neutrality of the 10th of June, 1861. After reaffirming your confidence in the justice and propriety of that declaration, under the circumstances in which it had its origin, your excellency proceeds to say that, in your opinion, measures taken in consequence of a state of manifest and declared war ought not to be per sisted in when the situation which rendered them necessary has ceased to exist; that every 21 D C * thing indicated that the time was at hand when the federal government could relinquish the attitude which the necessities of war imposed upon it, and that as soon as you were informed that the federal government renounced the exercise of the right of visit and capture, there would be no further question of belligerency with the United States; that you would then hasten to recognize the fact, and would be happy to suppress without delay all the restrictions which a state of war had imposed upon your relations with the United States, and to offer in your ports the most complete hospitality to our ships. You are pleased to add, that in the actual state of affairs the government of his Majesty no longer regards as necessary the provision which limited the stay of vessels belonging to the navy of the United Seates in the ports of France to 24 hours. and that orders to that effect had already been issued by the minister of marine. In regard to so much of your excellency's note as relates to the propriety and justice of the imperial declaration of neutrality of the 10th of June, 1861, I may now repeat, what I had the honor to state in my note of the 10th instant, that I have no occasion nor intention, at present, to make it the subject of discussion. It is proper, however, to avoid any possible future misunderstanding, that I should invite your attention to one phrase upon that topic in your note of the 20th instant which is liable to give an impression which the history of the late insurrection, as I understand it, will not sustain. Your excellency speaks of measures taken by his Majesty's government "in consequence of a state of war, manifest and declared.” Without presuming to know precisely what meaning you attach to the word "declared," in that relation, I deem it my duty to say, that this word has a technical signification in military and political science, to which it would not be historically entitled in the sentence I have quoted. I am not aware that the government of the United States has issued any declaration of war to which your excellency's remark could be properly applicable. I regret that the withdrawal of the declaration of neutrality of the 10th of June, 1861, should have been offered only upon conditions of which I am unable to see the propriety. Your excellency practically admits that there is nothing in the military condition of the Unit rd States which requires the further concession of belligerent rights to the insurgents, for you e ready to withdraw that concession the moment we renounce our pretensions to visit and search neutral ships. I respectfully submit that the propriety or impropriety of our pretensions to visit neutral ships is a question between us and any neutral power that we may aggrieve, and the decision, whatever it might be, would in no respect affect the question of belligerency in the United States. The visiting of a neutral ship by a United States cruiser would not, of itself, and in the absence of other military demonstrations, constitute evidence of a state of war between the different States of the American Union. The neglect to formally renounce such pretensions, therefore, cannot justify a continued recognition of a state of bellige,ency, for which no other pretext can be assigned. To concede that the visiting of a neutral ship established the belligerent right of the visitor, would deprive neutral powers of their legitimate remedies against an abuse of the right of visit. Besides, the United States government, in applying for a repeal of the declaration of June, 1861, abandoned any of the rights of a belligerent which it is presumed to have claimed, and became directly responsible for anything it might do in the character of a belligerent. If, after the withdrawal of the imperial declaration, it were to visit and search a neutral vessel, it would at once expose itself to reprisals, the same as for any other violation of international comity. To require of a non-belligerent a renunciation of the right to visit a neutral vessel is, therefore, equivalent to requiring a renunciation of the right to make war upon a neutral power-a contradiction in terms. Every visitation of a neutral vessel is a distinct and substantive act, deriving no justification from any previous visitation, or from any previous necessity, and which nothing but a grave public danger can excuse. The danger ceasing, the right ceases with it, whether the privileges incident to a pre-existing state of belligerency had been renounced or not. Were this otherwise, and were the principles upon which your excellency proposes to act accepted, the United States may continue to visit neutral ships, and avail herself of all the other privileges of a belligerent with impunity, so long as she omits formally to renounce them; a proposition, to state which is to expose its inadmissibility. No neutral power can afford to relinquish the right of determining for itself whether another nation claiming them is entitled to the privileges of a belligerent. Nor can I remember an instance of any nation ever making such a renunciation. Persuaded as I am of the correctness of these views, I will not attempt to disguise the disappointment I felt on perusing your excellency's reply to my communication of the 10th, nor am I yet prepared to abandon the hope that, in view of recent intelligence from America, announcing the capture of the chief fomenter and official head of the late insurrection, with his fugitive companions, and their delivery to the hands of justice, your excellency will see an additional motive for withdrawing a declaration which can serve no purpose now but to chill the relations of two nations whose interests and traditions are constantly inviting them to the cultivation of the most cordial friendship. I beg to avail myself of this occasion to renew to your excellency the assurances of the very high consideration with which I have the honor to be, your excellency's very obedient and very humble servant, His Excellency Monsieur DOUYN DE LHUYS, JOHN BIGELOW. Minister of Foreign Affairs. [Enclosure No. 3.-Translation of No. 2.] Mr. Drouyn de Lhuys to Mr. Bigelow. PARIS, May 31, 1865. SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the letter which you addressed to me the day before yesterday, in reply to my communication of the 20th instant. The observations which my last note suggested to you, turn, for the most part, on certain theoretical matters, the discussion of which between us does not appear to me either opportune or serviceable to the end which both of us have in view. I think that without entering into these considerations it is proper, in dealing with the question before us, to adhere to the reality of facts. We proclaimed our neutrality four years ago, because we were in presence of manifest hostilities; besides, the federal government exercised towards neutrals the rights of war, and impliedly recognized the belligerent character of the confederates. În my letter of the 20th of May I acknowledged the great and decisive change which had been brought about in the situation of the two parties respectively, by the military operations of the last two months. We have already been able, in consequence of that change, to give an assurance of our good will towards the United States, by immediately withdrawing the regulations which limited the stay of federal ships-of-war in the ports of the empire. On acquainting you with that resolution, I informed you of our intention to revoke, without delay, all the other restrictions required by our declaration of neutrality, so soon as we knew that the government of the Union, ceasing to regard itself as belligerent, no longer exercised the right of search and capture with respect to neutral ships; for it would be inconsistent to retain the rights of war, while claiming from us the abandonment of our neutrality. Therefore, sir, I have read with much satisfaction your letter of the 29th of May, from which I may infer, that the impressions of the federal government are such as we should desire to see them from a practical point in view. You tell me, in substance, that the United States government, in applying for a repeal of the declaration of June, 1861, abandoned all of the rights of a belligerent which it is presumed to have claimed, and became directly responsible for anything it might do in the character of a belligerent." You then add-“If after the withdrawal of the imperial declaration it were to visit and search a neutral vessel, it would at once expose itself to reprisals, the same as for any other violation of international comity." These declarations, sir, respond exactly to what I have had the honor of requiring of you, and bring us to agree upon the object we have in view. We have, therefore, no longer any objection to withdraw from the confederates the quality of belligerents; and I am happy to congratulate you upon the opportunity which presents itself to revive the old sympathies of the two peoples whose interests and traditions constantly invite them to cultivate the most cordial friendship. Receive, sir, the assurances of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be, your very humble and obedient servant, Monsieur BIGELOW, Minister of the United States at Paris. DROUYN DE LHUYS. Mr. Hunter to Mr. Bigelow. No. 161.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 5, 1865. SIR: I have received your despatch of the 19th ultimo, No. 96, written from Liverpool, enclosing a translation of Mr. Cochin's letter to yourself transmitting an address to the President of the United States emanating from a number of gentlemen in France who have organized themselves under the title of the French Committee of Emancipation. Your proposed acknowledgment thereof is approved, and I will thank you to convey to them an expression of the gratification with which the President received this evidence of the earnest desire of so respectable a body of French citizens to aid the people of the United States in their work of amelioration of the condition of that race who have suffered so long all of the evils of slavery. With reference to the request of Mr. Cochin to be supplied with such documents as are of a nature to render their good wishes available, I enclose a printed copy of the third annual report of the National Freedmen's Relief Association of the District of Columbia, which you may transmit, if you think proper, to Mr. Cochin, I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN BIGELOW, Esq., &c., &c., &c. W. HUNTER, Acting Secretary. No. 162.] Mr. Hunter to Mr. Bigelow. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, June 5, 1865, SIR: Your despatch No. 91, of the 11th ultimo, with its accompanying copy of a note which you addressed to Mr. Drouyu de Lhuys, relative to the policy of France in according to the insurgents belligerent rights, has been received, and, in reply, I have to inform you that the manner in which you treated the subject in your communication is approved. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JOHN BIGELOW, Esq., §r., &c., &c. W. HUNTER, Acting Secretary. No. 116.] Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward. [With five enclosures.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Paris, June 9, 1865. SIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith a communication from the minister of foreign affairs, of which enclosure No. 1 is a copy and enclosure No. 2 a translation, announcing the measures taken by this government in execution of its intention to withdraw from the so-called Confederate States of America the quality of belligerents accorded to them by the declaration of June, 1861. In connexion with this subject, I invite your attention to a paragraph from the bulletin of the Moniteur of the 8th instant, of which enclosure No. 3 is a copy. I am, sir, with great respect, your very obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. JOHN BIGELOW. P. S. 2 p. m.-Since writing the foregoing I have received a note from his excellency the minister of foreign affairs, of which the following is an extract: [Translation.] "I send you annexed a copy of instructions from the minister of marine, which you may send to your government. DROUYN DE LHUYS." The annexed enclosure No. 4 is a copy of these instructions, and No. 5 is a translation. 66 Wholly yours, Yours, very respectfully, JOHN BIGELOW. |