H. of R. Increase of the Navy. MARCH, 1822. lieu of those of a larger description. He had understood that there were a variety of objects to be attained in the naval service, and for the attainment of those objects vessels of various descriptions were necessary. Regular pitched battles, Mr. H. said, in which seventy-fours were desirable, were not the occasions in which smaller vessels were wanted, nor were they occasions of frequent occurrence. To annoy the commerce of an enemy was a primary object in war, and to protect our own in peace. If we could appropriate the necessary money for this purpose without resorting to loans or taxes, it would not be an object of so much importance. But this he con dollars. That appropriation was made at a time when the glory achieved by the Navy was fresh in the mind, and when the memory of its heroism had not faded from the heart. It was at a time when, without disparagement to the gallantry of our arms in the other departments, it seemed to be admitted by all that inore was owing to the Navy than any other, for success in the conflict. The experience of the war convinced every one that, whether we contended for protection of the seaboard, or supremacy of power, the Navy was our safest reliance. The sentiment was universal that the establishment ought to be kept up and gradually increased; and a system of policy, founded on experience, he (Mr. C.) did not feel himself dis-tended could not be done; and the smaller vesposed hastily to abandon. It had been said, however, that this was a resolution for inquiry only. But Mr. C. contended that it was not entirely nugatory-if it was intended to have any efficacy, its effect must be pernicious. The very contemplation of a change in our naval policy was injurious. If the sum which the resolution undoubtedly contemplates be taken away, what becomes of the general appropriation? You cannot increase the Navy under it. You must have, in each case, a force competent to meet the force to which it is opposed-a force adequate in the Pacific to meet the marauders in that quarter-in the Gulf of Mexico, to suppress the lawless depredations that are committed in the vast expanse of its waters—and on the coast of Africa, that may detect and cope with the desperate adventurers who continue the trade in human flesh. And these armaments are to be fitted out at the expense, and in reduction of the fund for the general increase of the Navy. What would be left for the purposes contemplated by the founders of that fund, it was easy to imagine. It was said by the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. HARDIN,) that the country could not afford an expense beyond $500,000 for the increase of the Navy. To this proposition he could not assent. He could not agree that this nation was incompetent to provide funds for the protection of its commerce and independence. While this country was enjoying the blessings of peace-its fields and harvests smiling under the culture of the husbandman-its canvass whitening the bosom of every sea-its adventurous sons penetrating the forest, and the people participating in all the bounties that a kind Providence ever showered upon any nation on the earth, it was in vain to contend that our resources were inadequate to our protection. For these reasons, Mr. C. was opposed to a diversion of any part of the fund to other objects than those to which it was originally appropriated. Mr. C. was willing to make a suitable provision for the suppression of piracy, but he thought it would be madness to do it at the expense of a permanent fund for a permanent object, in which the honor and character of the nation were essentially involved. Mr. HARDIN remarked that the argument of the gentleman last up would lead to the conclusion that it was madness to divert from a large naval fund a sum for the building smaller vessels, in sels that were contemplated by the resolution would be useful, not only in the suppression of piracy now, but in the prosecution of war hereafter. If the resolution was not adopted, he feared the smaller vessels proposed would not be built, nor our commerce protected. It had been said that the fund for the increase of the Navy had been reduced one-half, but he read from the laws of the United States to show that the fund had not been broken in upon, but only prolonged, and that instead of an appropriation of one million per annum for the three years remaining of the eight, it had been separated into six annual appropriations of $500,000 each, which was equivalent to the aggregate. Mr. BASSETT did not know but it might be one of the effects of age that all changes were unpleasant, but he felt a greater repugnance at departing from the line of policy that had been heretofore established on this subject. He was opposed to the resolution. We are now told, he said, that all classes of vessels were wanted in time of war. This was a proposition that no person could doubt. It was as well understood at the time when the fund for the increase of the Navy was established, as it could be now. But the question then was what gradual increase of your Navy will you make in time of peace to meet the exigencies of war? And in view of this question it was then determined to build such vessels in time of peace as might be ready in time of war, and which in time of war could not be built to answer the purpose of the Government. Of this description were 74's and other large vessels of war. If one or two sloops were wanted to attack the pirates, that was one thing; but it seemed to be brought forward as a plan to be incorporated into the general system of our naval establishment. It was said, indeed, that this resolution only proposed inquiry. But he could not consent to it even in that shape. He objected to the principle. He believed it to be wrong. He thought so eight years ago, and had found no reason to change his opinion. He was unwilling, in this case, to give impliedly to a committee the power of reconsidering a system of naval policy that had been deliberately, and, in his opinion, wisely decided upon. There was then, he would admit, as there is now, a difference of opinion; and even the naval commissioners at first reported in favor of building, pari passu, 74's, frigates and sloops of war. But further reflection had induced them and Congress to resolve upon building, in time of peace, such only as could be built in time of war. Experience had shown that a sloop of war could be built in twenty-nine days; and where was the necessity of building, perhaps twenty-nine years before the war broke out, a description of vessels that could be built in twenty-nine days? Mr. B. referred to an able paper on the subject, written by Com. Stewart, in which it was clearly evinced that, on principles of economy, it would be expedient, in a ratio of four to one, as to efficiency, to build large vessels rather than small. He was satisfied, also, that large vessels contributed more, as had been stated by the gentleman from New York, (Mr. COLDEN,) to the advancement of discipline and nautical science than smaller vessels. He could perceive no object of a beneficial character to be produced by it, unless it was to make more berths for young naval officers; but that, he thought, was not a sufficient reason for adopting a dangerous political experiment. Mr. TRACY thought the subject was a proper one for inquiry, and not so palpably wrong as gentlemen seemed to apprehend. If it were so, there could be little danger in adopting it. A proposition so very absurd would at least be harmless; and probably the Naval Committee, if they adopted the sentiments of his colleague, (Mr. COLDEN,) would report decidedly against it, to avoid the imputation of madness, and the House, with equal zeal, and for the same reason, would unanimously hasten to concur in the report. Mr. T. did not feel entirely prepared to determine whether it was expedient to divert a part of the general fund for the increase of the Navy to this object or not, but he really thought it was a fit subject for inquiry; and he would confess that he felt a little suspicious of that kind of wisdom in which the decision precedes the inquiry. Mr. T. expressly disavowed any attack on the naval policy of the country. On the contrary, he was so much its friend that he did not fear the most full and frequent inquiry into it; and he contended that this resolution had relation rather to the fiscal than the naval concerns of the nation. He thought the country would not consent to appropriate more than $500,000 per annum for that service, and it was seriously important in what manner that sum should be applied. It did not follow, he contended, that he was hostile to the present policy, because he wished to inquire into the propriety of applying those resources to the building of such vessels as are not now useful. No vessels less than 44's were now authorized to be built, but certainly 38's, 32's, and 28's, and sloops of 24 and 18 guns, were efficient both in operations of war and on incidental cruises. At all events, the inquiry could not be injurious, and he hoped the resolution would be adopted. The resolution was agreed to. SUNDAY MAILS. Mr. WRIGHT submitted for consideration the following resolution: Resolved, That the Committee on the Post Office H. of R. and Post Roads inquire into the expediency of preventing the carriage of the mails on the Sabbath day, and that they report by bill or otherwise. Mr. WRIGHT rose to address the Chair in support of the resolution. The following has been furnished by Mr. W. as being the substance of his remarks: Mr. Speaker, I am requested by a number of my constituents to endeavor to effect a regulation in the carriage of the mails, so as to prevent their being carried on the Sabbath day. We now enjoy a profound peace, with all the nations of the earth, under the kind providence of the great Benefactor of the Universe, who has inscribed on the heart of the whole human family his law, "to keep the Sabbath day holy." It will be recollected that even during the late war, when this subject was before this House, that I then advocated this restriction as far as practicable, not inconsistent with the best interest of my country; and I have a perfect confidence that my devotion to the prosecution of that war by the exercise of all the energies of the nation will never be forgotten. I have sir, during the war, advocated this measure, as will appear by the votes and proceedings in that case. Sir, in every State in this Union there is a law making it penal to violate the Sabbath by any work or labor. Sir, the right of Congress to direct the carriage of the mail on the Sabbath day, ought, in its execution, to be so exercised as neither to violate the divine law nor in any manner to authorize the violation of the laws of the States, unless in such cases as necessity may impose, in which we shall find our justification even in the divine law. I have consulted the Postmaster General on this subject, and am happy to inform this House that it meets his approbation in a certain degree. Mr. TAYLOR, of New York, required the question that the House do now consider the resolution; which question being taken, it was decided in the negative. So the House refused now to consider the resolution. MILITARY APPROPRIATION BILL. The orders of the day being then called for, the bill making an appropriation for the support of the Military Establishment for the year 1822, was read a third time, when Mr. COCKE moved to recommit the bill for the purpose of correcting a mistake which he had been instrumental in producing in the bill, in which he had supposed that $86,900 would cover the expenditures for the year of the Military Academy. He had since ascertained that the sum of $98,139 would be necessary for its support on its present footing, and it was with the view of correcting that error in the bill that he proposed the recommitment of it. Mr. RANDOLPH made remarks at some length in favor of a recommitment, with views more comprehensive than those of Mr. COCKE. Mr. VAN WYCK felt it his duty to vote against this bill in its present shape and at this time. He would, however, not vote against it because he had no confidence in the Committee of Ways and Means, who have reported it; nor should he vote H. OF R. Military Appropriations. MARCH 1822. come out and meet us on this subject. For a young nation, so remote from danger, and one, too, who has so lately experienced a total loss of pecuniary credit in time of war, so soon to forget this; so soon to forget that economy, and the discharge of our debts in time of peace, are the only solid base for a good credit in time of war; and so soon, too, to forget those excellent lessons left us by that legislative body under the Administration of Thomas Jefferson, I think, augurs nothing favorable. against it because he had no confidence in the chairman of that committee. I have, said Mr. V. W., not only the utmost confidence in that committee, but in the gentleman who is at the head of it; if nothing more than his zeal and industry on this floor would, if I entertained any suspicions, entirely destroy them. Nor shall I vote against this bill because I have no confidence in the Administration, who are to disburse the money after we have appropriated it. Indeed, sir, the Executive part of this Government, the President and Secretary, are far above my suspi- I hope, however, that the chairman of the Comcions. Selected from amongst the most intelli-mittee of Ways and Means will take no exceptions gent, experienced, and highminded citizens of our at what I have said; for I do not think that he country, and by ourselves too, I think it not only has done any thing more than was required. He shows a want of a correct knowledge of human has reported to us a bill predicated upon the existnature to suppose that either of them would mis- ing laws of his country. What less could he have apply or waste the public money; but, what is done? If you will so continue the form of your still more, I think it shows a great want of mag-laws as to keep up a large military establishment, nanimity on our part not to desist from these in- do you expect that the Secretary of War will be sinuations. But, sir, I shall vote against that bill able, without our assistance, to maintain them? because I think it high time that this Government If you will build 74's, and display them upon the curtailed its expenses. Indeed, sir, the very mo- ocean in time of peace, you cannot expect that ment after the peace of 1815, steps ought to have the Secretary of the Navy, nor any other Secrebeen taken to have returned to the old Peace Es-tary, will do it at their own expense. And, though tablishment of 1808 and 1809. At peace, as we now are, with all the world-not a nation, that I know of, that would raise a finger against us-it can, therefore, no longer be necessary to keep up this expensive and imposing attitude. If, under the old Peace Establishment, when Mr. Jefferson administered this Government, when we were every day threatened with a war, a reliance could then be placed on ourselves, or rather on the militia of our country, I think at this time the same confidence may again be restored. Under that Administration, for eight years, the whole sum appropriated for the Military Department was but $11,295,625, or the annual average appropriation was only $1,412,075. But, sir, what does this bill require; or, rather, what does the Secretary say will be necessary for the year 1822? Not less than $5,165,896 19. In two years, then, in a profound state of peace too, we now require as much as was then used in eight years, although the country was in a partial state of war. Let us take another retrospect. During the eight years of Mr. Jefferson's Administration, the whole revenue of the country averaged annually but $13,363,860, and with it was not only paid all the current expenses of the Government, but the national debt was sunk $40,000,000. But, sir, for the last two years the average annual revenue of the United States has been $15,054,511. And with it, sir, what have we done? Not only the whole of this has been expended, but the national debt has been increased $4,524,272 16. With an annual revenue of $1,690,711 more than was received under the Administration of Mr. Jefferson, we have actually swelled our debt more rapidly than it was ever done in the most prodigal days of the Federal Administration. If, sir, it is intended to be profuse with the public money, I hope it will be backed at once with a bill for a direct tax of five or ten millions. Let the people see our drift. I am certain that they will, as in 1799 and 1800, not exactly applicable, if you will swell this representative body and pay us eight instead of six dollars a day, you must expect that these trifling items, as they have been called, will also swell the mass. From pennies pounds are produced. From our inattention to these little insignificant sums, as they have been so sarcastically called, of 1, 2, 3, or 400,000 dollars each, when they appear in the aggregate, astonishment will be produced and suspicion but too often succeeds. So sir, it is not the fault of of the Committee of Ways and Means. It is not the fault of the Executive part of this Government. We are a free and independent branch; let us do our duty, and if the others will not concur in altering a set of laws that have drained our Treasury, swelled our debt, and actually baffled the skill of our financier to furnish the means, let them be accountable to the proper authority-to the people. Our course now, I hope, will be to recommit this bill, with instructions to bring in a partial appropriation bill, to answer the immediate exigencies of Government, and not to pass the general bill until after that select committee have reported, to whom was referred an inquiry into the modification of our laws, so as to replace us upon the old Peace Establishment of 1808 and 1809. When that is done, and we have altered our laws, it will then be time enough to bring in a general bill predicated upon those laws. After some further remarks from Mr. CocKE, the question was taken on the proposed recommitment, and decided in the negative-ayes 37. The question then being on the passage of the bill, and Mr. RANDOLPH having required the yeas and nays thereon, (his leading objections being to the appropriation for clothing of the Army so far in advance as for 1823,) the yeas and nays were taken accordingly; and there were-for the bill, 133; against it, 23-as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Abbot, Alexander, Allen of Massa MARCH, 1822. Proceedings. H. OF R. Mr. METCALFE, from the Committee on Indian Affairs, moved, on behalf of that committee, the following resolution: chusetts, Allen of Tennessee, Archer, Baldwin, Barber of Connecticut, Barber of Ohio, Bateman, Baylies, Bayly, Bigelow, Borland, Brown, Buchanan, Burrows, Butler, Cambreleng, Campbell of New York, Resolved, That the Committee on Indian Affairs, to Campbell of Ohio, Cannon, Cassedy, Causden, Cham- which was referred the report of the Reverend Jedibers, Colden, Condict, Conkling, Conner, Crafts, diah Morse, made by him in pursuance of the objects Crudup, Cushman, Cuthbert, Dane, Darlington, Den-specified in his commission from the President of the ison, Dickinson, Durfee, Dwight, Eddy, Edwards of United States, bearing date the 7th of February, 1820, Connecticut, Edwards of Pennsylvania, Eustis, Far- be discharged from the further consideration thereof, relly, Fuller, Garnett, Gist, Gorham, Gross, Hardin, and that the said Reverend Jedidiah Morse have leave Harvey, Hawks, Hemphill, Hendricks, Herrick, Hill, to withdraw the same, and also the accompanying Hobart, Holcombe, Hubbard, Jackson, J. T. Johnson, documents. Jones of Tennessee, Kent, Keyes, Kirkland, Lathrop, Lincoln, Litchfield, Little, Long, Lowndes, McCarty, McDuffie, McLane, McSherry, Mallary, Matlack, Mattocks, Mercer, Milnor, Mitchell of Pennsylvania, Montgomery, Moore of Pennsylvania, Moore of Virginia, Moore of Alabama, Morgan, Murray, Neale, Nelson of Massachusetts, Newton, Patterson of New York, Patterson of Pennsylvania, Phillips, Pierson, Pitcher, Plumer of New Hampshire, Plumer of Pennsylvania, Poinsett, Reed of Massachusetts, Reid of Georgia, Rhea, Rich, Rogers, Ross, Ruggles, Russ, Russell, Sanders, Sawyer, Scott, Sloan, S. Smith, Alex. Smyth, Spencer, Sterling of Connecticut, Sterling of New York, Stewart, Swan, Swearingen, Tatnall, Taylor, Tod, Tomlinson, Upham, Vance, Walworth, Whipple, White, Williamson, Wood, Woodcock, Woodson, Worman, and Wright. NAYS-Messrs. Ball, Bassett, Burton, Cocke, Edwards of North Carolina, Floyd, Hooks, F. Johnson, Jones of Virginia, Leftwich, McCoy, McNeill, Matson, Metcalfe, Nelson of Virginia, Overstreet, Randolph, Arthur Smith, Tucker of South Carolina, Van Wyck, Walker, Williams of Virginia, Williams of North Carolina, and Williams. The title of the bill being now under consideration, Mr. RANDOLPH moved to amend the bill (to make it conform to its contents) by adding to the title the words "and towards the service of the year 1823;" which motion was agreed to. And the bill was sent to the Senate for their concurrence therein. The Bankrupt bill was the next subject in the order of the day; and, being called up, a motion was made to adjourn, and negatived-68 to 62. A motion was then made by Mr. BASSETT, to postpone the orders of the day until to-morrow; when the motion to adjourn was renewed, and carried-74 to 63. And so the House adjourned. TUESDAY, March 5. Mr. NEWTON, from the Committee on Commerce, to whom was referred the bill from the Senate, entitled "An act further to establish the compensation of officers of the customs, and to alter certain collection districts, and for other purposes," reported the same with sundry amendments; which were read, and, together with the bill, committed to a Committee of the Whole. Mr. Cook, from the Committee on the Public Lands, to whom was referred sundry petitions from the inhabitants of Illinois, praying for a confirmation of their respective land claims, made a report thereon, accompanied by a bill confirming their said claims; which bill was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole. The resolution was read, and, on the question to agree thereto, it passed in the affirmative. A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed a bill, entitled "An act for the relief of the President and Directors of the Planters' Bank of New Orleans," and a resolution directing an adjournment of the present session of Congress on the first Monday of April next; in which bill and resolution they ask the concurrence of the House. On motion of Mr. WILLIAMSON, the Committee of Ways and Means were instructed to consider the expediency of extending for a further time, or making perpetual, the "Act to provide for the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," passed March 3d, 1815, and another act to continue in force the preceding one, passed 3d of March, 1817, which expired on the 3d of March current. On motion of Mr. STEWART, the Committee on Roads and Canals were instructed to inquire into the expediency of appointing commissioners to examine and report as to the practicability and probable expense of connecting by a canal the Potomac and Youghagany rivers, uniting the Eastern with the Western waters. Mr. WRIGHT moved the House that it do now proceed to consider the resolution submitted by him yesterday, inhibiting the transportation of the mail on the Sabbath day. And, the question being taken, it was again determined in the negative. A bill from the Senate for the relief of the President and Directors of the Planters' Bank of New Orleans, was twice read, and committed to the Committee of Ways and Means. A joint resolution from the Senate for fixing the time of adjournment of the present session of Congress (first Monday in April) was read a first time; and, on motion of Mr. HILL, was laid on the table. Mr. CONDICT moved that the select committee to which was referred, on Friday last, the additional report and documents received on that day from the Secretary of the Treasury in relation to the Cumberland road, be discharged. And the question thereon being taken, it passed in the affirmative. It was then ordered that the said report be referred to the Committee on Roads and Canals. Mr. HEMPHILL from the Committee on Roads and Canals, reported on the petition of sundry inhabitants of the State of Maine, for the laying I out and constructing a road from Bangor to Rob H. OF R. Alteration of the Hall. MARCH, 1822. instown, recommending that nothing special beercised by the officers of the existing government" of done in this case, because a survey, &c., would said provinces at the time of their delivery to the Unicome within the scope of the general bill on that ted States, was not authorized by the act of the last subject now before the House; which report was session of Congress, entitled "An act for carrying ordered to lie on the table. into execution the treaty between the United States and Spain, concluded at Washington, the 22d of February, 1819." Mr. HEMPHILL further reported favorably on the petition of sundry inhabitants of Gloucester, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, which report, though favorable to the object, was to the same effect as in the preceding cases.-Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. HEMPHILL further reported upon the petition of Isaac Baker, that it is inexpedient to grant the prayer of the petition, the evidence furnished not being satisfactory as to the practicability and utility of such a mode of conveyance, and that the petitioner have leave to withdraw his petition; which was concurred in. Mr. HEMPHILL further reported unfavorably upon the petition of John Adams, praying an allowance in addition to his stipulated compensation by contract for making a part of the Cumberland road; which report was, on motion, ordered to lie on the table. Mr. JOHN SPEED SMITH, from the committee to whom was referred a resolution on the subject, reported a bill to abolish imprisonment for debt; which was twice read, and committed. The House then proceeded to the consideration of the resolution proposed yesterday by Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, requiring information of what authority is invested with the military command in Florida; and the same was agreed to. Two Messages were received from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, as follow: To the House of Representatives of the United States: In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the 22d ultimo, requesting the President of the United States "to cause to be laid before this House a statement showing the amount of woollens purchased for the use of the Army during the years 1820 and 1821, comprising a description of the articles, of whom the purchases were made, at what prices, and what proportion thereof was of American manufacture," I herewith transmit a report from the Secretary of War. JAMES MONROE. WASHINGTON, March 4, 1822. The Message was read, and, together with the report accompanying the same, was ordered to lie on the table. WASHINGTON, March 4, 1822. The Message was read, and, together with the report accompanying the same, was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs. FLORIDA AFFAIRS. Mr. ARCHER moved that the House do come to the following resolutions: 2. Resolved, That the appointment of a Governor of the provinces of East and West Florida, with authority to exercise supreme executive powers within the same, was a contravention of the Constitution of the United States. the month of August last, in Pensacola, in the pro3. Resolved, That the arrest and imprisonment, in vince of West Florida, by order of the chief executive officer therein, of Don Jose Callava, then or recently charged with the functions and character of a Commissioner of the Government of Spain, were in contravention of the immunities attached to the condition of agents of a public character, by the law and usage of civilized nations. 4. Resolved, That the issuing, about the same time, by the same officer, of a citation, in the nature of a process of contempt, against a person holding the commission of a judge of the United States within the said province, for an alleged undue discharge of a judicial function, was a proceeding not warranted by any legal authority vested in the said officer. Mr. ARCHER was proceeding to state the motives which induced him to offer the resolves; when The question to consider the resolves (which admits of no debate) was put, and decided in the negative. So the House refused " now to consider" these resolutions. ALTERATION OF THE HALL. Mr. MERCER Submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That the Committee on Public Buildings be instructed to inquire whether such an alteration can be effected of the Hall now occupied by the House, as will fit it for the purposes of a deliberative assembly; and, if this be deemed impracticable, whether a suitable apartment can be provided in the centre building of the Capitol for the accommodation of the House of Representatives. Mr. Wood proposed to amend the resolution by inserting, after the word "Resolved," the following: structed to inquire into the expediency of changing the position of the Speaker's chair, and of placing it in front of the present entrance into the Hall; and, also, of arranging the seats of the members parallel with the diameter of the Hall, so as to front the Chair in its new position." "That the Committee on Public Buildings be in On this motion for amendment some debate took place, in which the properties of sound, the disadvantages of the present arrangement of the Hall for hearing, and the benefits likely to result from a change of it, were discussed. Mr. WooD stated that he had been on a committee during the last session, whose duty it was made to inquire whether any alterations could be made in the Hall of the House of Representatives, 1. Resolved, That the appointment, during the past to render the voices of the speakers more audible; year, of a Governor of the provinces of East and West which committee, after much examination, reportFlorida, invested with larger powers than were "ex-ed, that a glass ceiling spread over the Hall, at the |
