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extremely important to the nation, not only in respect to the operations of war, but in promoting useful arts in time of peace.

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Secretary, shall be material in relation to the ob'jects of this resolution."

These resolutions were both adopted, after much discussion, as he believed, and by ayes and noes. They were important in their nature-they involved a high Constitutional principle, and if it had not been proper to ask the opinion of these Secretaries, he could not think those opinions would have been asked. Whether the duty required by those resolutions had been performed by both, or either of these Secretaries, it was not material to say. He referred to them to prove that it was the practice, and he believed the right of the House, to call for such opinions, and he believed it was the right of the House to receive such opinions. And, in neither asking nor receiving them, did he consider the dignity of the House in the least impaired or abandoned.

Mr. Cook did not rise, he said, so much to discuss the merits of the resolution, as to repel the imputation of what some members heretofore seemed to consider a disrespect offered by him to the House. It was what he had for some time felt anxious to do, and this seemed to be the most fit occasion that had presented itself. When the resolution now under consideration was read at the Clerk's table, it was announced by the Clerk, that certain words were underscored. This he presumed was done by order of the Speaker, and therefore seemed to imply such imputation, even on the part of the Chair, as he presumed that order was produced by a discussion which had arisen in the House some days ago, upon a resolution of his, a line of which was underscored. In spite of his Mr. LOWNDES was aware of no objection whatprotestations, then, that he meant no disrespect, ever to requiring the opinion of the Head of a Desome seemed to think otherwise. He rose now to partment, on a subject relating to that branch of read one of four resolutions, a part of each being the public service over which he presides. The underscored; which proved, in addition to others opinions of a Secretary, tested by the experience then to be found in the Journals in his hand, that which he must necessarily acquire in the affairs of both underscoring, as well as calls for the opinion his department, might be useful to the House, and of the Heads of Department, was neither uncom- a call for a statement of his opinions comported mon, nor till now considered disrespectful. The as well with expediency, as with that responsiresolution read by Mr. C. will be found in the bility of the Executive officers which it was imJournal of the 1st Session of the 16th Congress-portant to maintain, and which it would savor and relates to a call on the Secretary of the Trea- more of prudery than prudence to abstain from sury to know the price of the stocks, whether it is requiring. above par, and how long it will probably continue so and whether it will be advisable to apply the surplus of the Sinking Fund to the current expenses of the Government rather than resort to loans and taxes. He said there were many others in which underscoring was to be found, and used, he had no doubt, for the same purpose that he used it, to invite special attention to that part of the subject. Mr. C. observed there were resolutions almost without number, to prove the propriety of calling for the opinions of the Heads of Departments upon matters of public concern, and upon which, from their means of information, they could be likely to give opinions and reasons therefor, which would entitle them to weight and influence. He would not take up the time of the House, however, by citing more than two others. In April, 1818, a resolution had passed, calling upon the Secretary of War "to report to this House, at the ensuing session of Congress, a plan for 'the application of such means as are within the 'power of Congress, to the purpose of opening and 'constructing roads and canals, as may deserve and require the aid of the Government, with a view to military operations in time of war, &c., to'gether with such information as, in the opinion of the Secretary, shall be material, in relation to 'the objects of this resolution."

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At the same time another resolution was adopted, "instructing the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare and report a plan, at the next session, for the application of such means as are within the power of Congress to the purpose of opening and improving roads, and making canals, &c., &c., and such information as, in the opinion of the

Mr. FLOYD was unwilling to apply to any Secretary of a Department for any opinion whatever as a guide for the legislation of this House. So far as it regarded responsibility, this course would be of no utility, for, if any odium should attach to any measure which might grow out of the opinion of the Secretary, that odium would fall on this House-not on the Secretary. If the facts were before the House, there were few who would not be as capable of judging what would be proper as the Secretary of War, or any body else. There was nothing which conferred upon a Secretary the right to give opinions to the House; that privilege belonged to the President of the United States, but it had not been much exercised of late years. Mr. F. hoped the amendment would prevail.

Mr. CANNON believed it would not be imputed to him that he was more under the influence of Executive opinions than his friend (Mr. FLOYD,) but he certainly thought that it was sometimes useful to require the opinions of the Secretary of a Department on matters on which it might be presumed he was particularly qualified to give them. That course had been pursued in relation to the reduction of the Army, and the very plan on which the Army now stands was that furnished by the Secretary of War. The present subject was one of high importance, and he was willing to receive information from any proper source. He was, therefore, opposed to the amendment. It would deprive the House of the principal part of the information which it desired. The opinion of the Secretary of War on this subject, Mr. C. said, would have great weight with him. It was an

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object on which the House ought to begin the work of retrenchment, and he wished all the light which could be obtained to guide the House in acting on it.

MARCH, 1822.

the business, from any committee that could be selected.

Mr. ROCHESTER called for a division of the question, and the branch that related to the appointment of a joint committee to select and arrange the business necessary to be done was first in order.

Mr. WRIGHT said the House had not the necessary facts before them which could authorize them to fix a limit to the session. Three or four weeks hence it would be much easier to act on this resolution than now. Hitherto we have done almost nothing but talk, and talking, too, at the rate of four hundred dollars an hour. There was an evident cacoethes loquendi in the House, which, it was to be hoped, would be restrained. He (Mr. W.) came here as a public servant, to do business, and it was the duty of the House to act on the same principles in relation to their business as a court of justice would; and he was sorry that any time should be taken up in discussing this question.

Mr. J. S. SMITH remarked that, in seeking the information he wanted, he had proposed to apply where it could most likely be obtained. He had not considered the station of the officer, for he cared not how elevated or how humble the source was which could furnish it. In calling on the Secretary instead of the President, it was because he thought the application should be made to the person best informed on the subject. The President could not be expected to be as well informed as the Secretary of War on this subject. The Secretary must necessarily be the most conversant with it, as he was with all his duties; for, in discharging them, he had given evidences of capacity and ability. Instances of a similar course of proceeding were numerous, as had been shown by the gentlemen from Illinois and Tennessee; and in proposing that course now, Mr. S. did not think it could be justly imputed to him that he stooped from the dignity of the House. He had, indeed, at first thought of proposing to call on the President, but as that officer would then have to call on the Secretary, he deemed it better to apply to the Secretary than adopt that circuitous mode of obtaining the object. Mr. S. said he had really been alarmed when he was accused by old mem-session. bers of stooping from his station and compromit- Mr. NELSON, of Virginia, was in favor of selectting the dignity of the House, and in the first mo- ing and arranging the business that was indisment of his trepidation, was on the point of aban-pensably necessary to be acted on before Congress doning the contested words; but he was glad to should adjourn. It was a practice of long standfind that he proposed only what was very com- ing, and he thought an useful, if not a necessary mon, and what he was convinced was the correct one. course. The amendment, moreover, would still leave the resolution in such a shape as necessarily to elicit indirectly the opinion of the Secretary of War on the matter; and he thought it was much better to obtain it by a direct call on him. As, however, this subject appeared prolific of debate, and as subjects of that sort were rare, he would move to lay the resolution on the table, that it might be called up on Monday.

The resolution was laid on the table accordingly.

PROPOSED ADJOURNMENT.

Mr. RANDOLPH, agreeably to notice heretofore given, introduced a joint resolution for the double purpose of raising a committee to select and arrange such business as might be deemed indispensably necessary to be acted on at this session, and also to fix an early day for adjournment.

Mr. CANNON was willing to concur in the part of the joint resolution which contemplated a limited day for adjournment. But he was entirely unwilling to put it in the power of any joint committee to select from the orders of the day what subjects should be acted on. Experience had convinced him of the expediency of refusing to appoint any committee for that purpose, short of a majority of the House. It was desirable that equal justice should be done to all, and perfect impartiality could not be expected in the disposition of

Mr. SAWYER rose to inquire whether, if such a committee were raised, it could place upon the list such cases as were not referred to a Committee of the Whole, but to standing or select committees, and he adverted to a bill which he deemed of importance, in relation to the abolition of sinecure offices in certain collection districts, and which he thought should be acted on at this

Mr. F. JOHNSON, under the impression that the motion was premature, moved that it lie on the table.

Mr. RANDOLPH was unwilling that the sessions of Congress should be protracted to such a length that nobody fit to represent the people would be able to come here. He referred to the situations of the merchants, the agriculturist, and the lawyer, to show that such persons could not afford to remain here during a long session for the pay they received; and he feared the consequence would be that Congress would be made up of the refuse and offal of all professions, not excepting the clerical. What other great measure, he asked, had been elaborated by the committees of this House, except the Bankrupt bill? and that had been previously cut and dried. There was no more pressing or important business now than last year, when the session was limited to the 4th of March, and there was perhaps more danger of doing, than of not doing, the public business. He thought he should take the liberty of saying no to every proposition that should be presented to the House, before he went away-not excepting the civil listfor he was not prepared to vote away any more of the money of the people, until that which had been previously voted was fully accounted for, &c.

Mr. BALDWIN was sorry that this proposition should be brought forward at the present period of the business of the House. It was admitted on

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all hands that very little had been done; and, if we now go home and say we have done nothing, and are inquired of for the reason of our abrupt departure, what shall be the answer. Can a satisfactory one be rendered? What would any man say to an agent to whom he had intrusted his private business that should render him no other excuse? If there had been an unnecessary waste of time, the way to redeem it was, not to go away and leave the business unfinished, but to make no such waste of more. There was important business to be done in relation to the public lands, and important claims on the Government to be adjusted. But what are we told? Are we to say no to every proposition that shall be presented? Or is it not our duty to listen and examine? Mr. B. would not say there had been an unnecessary waste of time at the present session; but, if there had not, it was very certain that it took much time to do little business. The people and petitioners have subjects before us that they expect will be acted upon-they expect that their claims will be either allowed or rejected. But it is said that if we protract the session, Congress will be filled with the refuse and offals of all the professions. But, did the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. RANDOLPH) look to the history of Congress when he made the remark? The first Congress under the Government sat almost the whole year, and Mr. B. adverted to a statement to show that the period proposed for this session was shorter than had been ever known for the first session of any Congress during the whole period of the Government. There was much business before the House. The nation was extending in its population, in its territory, and in its interest, and in all its relations. He would ask, then, whether the members of the House could feel that they had done their duty in going off before the public business was accomplished? He believed that the apology of personal inconvenience would not be accepted. Mr. B. was not disposed to abridge the freedom of debate. He believed it was suited to the genius of the Government; but it was generally found that there was too much of it at the commencement of a session, and too little at the close. With him there was but one rule, and that was to do the public business, and then adjourn.

Mr. EDWARDS, of North Carolina, was opposed to the motion. He was anxious to take measures to assign some limit to the session. By referring to the journals, it would be seen that there was usually as much business done in a short session as in a long one. Fix a time to adjourn, said Mr. E., and then, and not until then, shall we attend to business.

The question was taken on the motion to lay the subject on the table, and decided in the negative by a small majority.

MILITARY APPROPRIATIONS.

The next business in order was the consideration of the report of the Committee of the Whole on the bill making certain appropriations for the support of the Military Establishment.

The question which was under consideration,

H. of R.

when this subject was last up, (on Friday week,) was on agreeing to the appropriation for the Military Academy.

To this appropriation, to the amount proposed, objection was made by Mr. COCKE; whose object was to appropriate enough for the immediate support of the institution only, wishing to have a full view of the expenses, &c., of this institution, that the people might see how much the United States paid for the support of the sons of the richest men in the country.

On this subject there took place considerable debate, and on a motion to recommit the bill, in which Messrs. STEWART, MALLARY, EDWARDS, of North Carolina, F. JOHNSON, SMITH, of Maryland, MERCER, WARFIELD, NELSON, of Maryland, COCKE, and SMITH, took part.

The question to recommit the bill was taken and lost without a division.

The question was then taken on concurring with the amendment of the Committee of the Whole in filling the blank in the first section for pay and subsistence of the Army, with the sum of $982,917, and decided in the affirmative-yeas 106, nays 45, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Abbot, Alexander, Allen of Massachusetts, Archer, Ball, Barber of Connecticut, Barber of Ohio, Baylies, Bayly, Bigelow, Blair, Borland, Buchanan, Burrows, Butler, Cambreleng, Campbell of New York, Cassedy, Causden, Condict, Cook, Cushman, Cuthbert, Dane, Darlington, Dickinson, Durfee, Eddy, Edwards of Connecticut, Edwards of Pennsylvania, Farrelly, Findlay, Fuller, Gorham, Gross, Hardin, Hawks, Hemphill, Herrick, Hill, Hobart, J. T. Johnson, J. S. Johnston, Jones of Tennessee, Kent, Kirkland, Lathrop, Lincoln, Litchfield, Lowndes, McCarty, McCoy, McDuffie, McLane, McSherry, Mattocks, Mercer, Milnor, Mitchell of Pennsylvania, Montgomery, Moore of Pennsylvania, Moore of Virginia, Moore of Alabama, Morgan, Neale, Nelson of Maryland, Nelson of Virginia, Newton, Patterson of New York, Pierson, Pitcher, Plumer of Pennsylvania, Poinsett, Rankin, Reed of Massachusetts, Rhea, Rich, Rogers, Ruggles, Russ, Sanders, Sawyer, Scott, Sergeant, S. Smith, W. Smith, Alexander Smyth, J. S. Smith, Spencer, Sterling of Connecticut, Sterling of New York, Swan, Swearingen, Tatnall, Taylor, Tod, Tomlinson, Upham, Vance, Walworth, White, Williamson, Wood, Woodcock, Worman, and Wright.

NAYS-Messrs. Allen of Tennessee, Baldwin, Bassett, Bateman, Blackledge, Campbell of Ohio, Cannon, Chambers, Cocke, Colden, Conkling, Conner, Crafts, Crudup, Edwards of North Carolina, Gist, Jackson, F. Johnson, Jones of Virginia, Keyes, Leftwich, Long, Mallary, Matlack, Matson, Metcalfe, Murray, Patterson of Pennsylvania, Phillips, Plumer of New Hampshire, Randolph, Reid of Georgia, Sloan, South Carolina, Tucker of Virginia, Van Wyck, Arthur Smith, Stewart, Thompson, Tracy, Tucker of Warfield, Whipple, Williams of North Carolina, Williams of Virginia, and Wilson.

The subsequent sections in the bill were respectively put and carried, without a division.

Mr. EDWARDS, of North Carolina, moved to strike out from the fifth section the words, "and for the purchase of woollens for the year 1823,

H. OF R.

Increase of the Navy.

MARCH, 1822.

the sum of $75,000." He opposed this appropria- appertaining to the Naval Department, made a tion on the ground that it was introducing a new report thereon; which was read, and ordered to mode of conducting the purchasing department, lie on the table. and also because it was too far prospective, as we might as well legislate, he said, in the next session as now for an appropriation for the year 1823. The question was then taken on his motion, and lost.

Mr. MALLARY remarked, that it had always been deemed correct policy to make appropriations specific, wherever, in the nature of the case, it was possible to make them so. He had voted in the negative on the question for recommitment only, for the reason that he wished to present distinctly the expenditures for the Military Academy; but he believed it could be attained in a different way, without embarrassing the bill-and, with that view, he would submit the following amendment, to be inserted at the end of the provision for pay and subsistence of the Army: "including the sum of $86,900 for the pay and subsistence of officers and cadets belonging to the Military Academy at West Point."

Mr. COLDEN explained his object in voting in the negative on the former question to be merely for the purpose of admitting such a proposition as was now before the House. Mr. C. expressed his decided conviction of the utility of the establishment, but hoped the amendment of the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. MALLARY) would prevail.

The amendment was then put and carried. Mr. CHAMBERS moved to insert, in the fifth section, after the word "woollens," in the sixth line, the words "of American manufactures;" but, after a few explanatory observations by Mr. SMITH of Maryland, he withdrew his motion; when the bill was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading on Monday next.

MONDAY, March 4.

Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, from the Committee of Ways and Means, reported a bill to revive and amend the several acts imposing duties on imports and tonnage; which bill was read twice, and committed to the Committee of the whole House on the state of the Union.

Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, laid on the table the following resolution:

Resolved, That the President be requested to inform this House whether that portion of the Army of the United States, now in Florida, is commanded by the officers of the said Army, or by the Secretary of the Territory, and, if by the latter, by what authority be is invested with such command.

Mr. BASSETT called for the consideration of a report heretofore submitted to the House by the Committee on Pensions and Revolutionary Claims, adverse to the petition of R. G. Morris; and moved so to amend the report as to grant the prayer of the petitioner.

Mr. BASSETT explained the grounds of the petition at considerable length; when

Mr. RHEA moved that the same be referred to a Committee of the Whole. This motion was opposed by Mr. BASSETT, and further supported by Mr. LITTLE; when the question was put and carried to refer it as proposed.

On motion of Mr. POINSETT, it was

Resolved, That the Committee on Commerce be instructed to inquire into the expediency of establishing a beacon on Charleston bar.

INCREASE OF THE NAVY.

Mr. TRACY called for the consideration of a

resolution by him submitted on the 1st instant, proposing instructions to the Naval Committee to inquire into the expediency of recommending a modification of the annual appropriation for the gradual increase of the Navy, so as to authorize the construction of vessels of a smaller size than those now authorized by law. The House agreed to consider the resolution.

Mr. FULLER said, he did not mean to object to the inquiry proposed by the resolution now before the House; but to state that the Naval Committee had already taken this subject under consideration, and that the proposed instruction was therefore wholly unnecessary.

Mr. LOWNDES said he did not mean to oppose a resolution for inquiry, to which the gentlemen Mr. EUSTIS, from the Committee on Military composing the committee did not themselves obAffairs, who were instructed to inquire into the ject. But, should the proposition suggested in the number of cadets admitted into the Military Acad-resolution ever grow into a provision of law, the emy since 1817, inclusive, with the number of dismissals, promotions, &c., made a report thereon, accompanied by a bill concerning the said academy; which bill was read twice, and committed to the Committee of the whole House on the state of the Union.

effect of it would be, not to increase, but to diminish, the naval power of the United States. The policy of the Government, in pursuance of which the annual appropriation for naval purposes was made and he thought it a wise policywas, to provide in peace a number of those larger vessels, which cannot be procured or built on a sudden emergency. Vessels of a smaller class there would be no difficulty in procuring at any time. The effect of such a measure as this resolution looked to would be to change entirely this provident policy of the Government, and in fact Mr. McLANE, from the Committee on Naval to diminish the naval force of the country. Such Affairs, to whom was referred, on the 10th De- a course, he hoped, though there might be no ob cember last, so much of the President's Message jection to inquiry respecting it, would never reas relates to naval stores and munitions of war,ceive the sanction of the Naval Committee.

Mr. NELSON, of Virginia, from the committee appointed on the 6th ultimo to revise the standing rules and orders of proceedings in this House, made a report, recommending sundry alterations and additions thereto; which report was read, and ordered to lie on the table.

MARCH, 1822.

Increase of the Navy.

H. of R.

Mr. CAMBRELENG did not rise for the purpose tion, but rather incidentally than directly, the of opposing the inquiry, nor to express any opinion inquiry having grown out of the resolution inat that time on the question involved in the reso- structing them to inquire into the expediency of lution proposed by his colleague, (Mr. TRACY,) building an additional number of small vessels of but to remind him that a report was presented on war. He trusted he was as much a friend to the Saturday, by the Naval Committee, which was Navy as the gentleman from South Carolina, or not yet printed. That report embraced informa- any other member of the House. But he was not tion partially relating to the subject of the gen- sure that something in the nature of the proposition tleman's inquiry. He would, therefore, suggest now before the House might not be advisable. It to him the propriety of allowing the resolution to was more than a year ago that information had remain on the table for the present. been given to the House, that nearly all the timber for the larger vessels had been already procured under the appropriation of a million of dollars for eight years. It had been thought better by the Naval Committee, at a former session, and it had accorded with the general views of the Navy Commissioners, to bring the large vessels to a certain state, and secure them in that condition, without going on now to equip them, or to purchase the perishable articles necessary for that purpose. The eight millions was enough to build, and also to equip the vessels authorized to be built. As, however, they are not now to be equipped, there would be a balance of that appropriation remaining unapplied-and the subject for inquiry was, whether

Mr. HARDIN considered it the duty of our Government to protect our commerce against the piratical depredators that now infested it, and he did not think there were vessels enough of the United States fit for service, of a class calculated for the purpose. Our seventy-fours will not answer, and, unless some part of the annual appropriation for the increase of the Navy is directed to this object, he feared they would not be built. That appropriation has been applied to the building of large vessels only, which are wholly unsuited to the contingency that now calls for an efficient naval force. Mr. H. did not believe that the nation could afford, under its present embarrassments, more than $500,000 for the sum total of expendi-a portion of it should be applied to the building of ture for building vessels of war. It was necessary smaller vessels? This, he thought, was a subject to make some application of the public funds to very proper for inquiry. the protection of our commerce. And it seemed proper for that purpose, that there should be a divergence from the fund in question to that object. The subject had been before the Committee on Naval Affairs for a month, and he hoped the resolution would be adopted-and perhaps, by a special instruction from this House, they might be induced to go on to the object with more zeal and effect.

Mr. BASSETT hoped the resolution would be suffered to lie on the table. He believed the chairman of the Naval Committee was now employed on this very subject, and the adoption of the resolution would be superfluous. He, therefore, moved that it be laid on the table.

Mr. TRACY said he had not anticipated any objection to the resolution. At the suggestion of the chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, he had assented to laying the proposition on the table on the day he had presented it. Mr. T. could see no objection to its adoption, nor any reason for laying it longer on the table. The Naval Committee may indeed make all necessary inquiry and examination without it; but, if its passage could do no good, it was not likely to be attended with harm. It would impose no additional labor on the committee, and he could not but hope it would now be adopted.

Mr. LOWNDES said he did not wish to be considered as objecting to the inquiry, which could not possibly do any harm. He was therefore sorry it had been proposed to lay the resolve on the table, and hoped the inquiry would be agreed to.

The motion to lay the resolution on the table was negatived.

Mr. COLDEN was opposed to the adoption of the resolution. It was urged in its favor, that it was clear and unambiguous. It was on that very ground that he felt it his duty to oppose it, for it distinctly proposes a diversion of the Navy fund from the object for which it was appropriated. The purpose of suppressing piracies was a temporary object-at least it was hoped that it would prove so. It was necessary that there should be a force employed to protect our commerce against the piratical cruisers in the Gulf of Mexico, on the western shores of the Continent, and to enforce an observance of the laws in relation to the slave trade. It was obvious, that the provision for this service would be a temporary one, and it therefore ought not to be incorporated into the permanent establishment of our Navy. The multiplication and employment of small vessels, he contended, were not favorable to the prosperous condition of a navy. They did not induce a habit of discipline, nor did they contribute to an experience that would be beneficial and necessary on board a large vessel. He thought in these respects they were rather prejudicial to the service than otherwise. The fund of $500,000 per annum was not appropriated for a particular event, or for temporary objects, but it was a gradual preparation in time of peace, to meet the exigencies of war. It would be recollected that the sum of $500,000 per annum Mr. FULLER said, that it was true that the Na- was a reduction of one half from the amount of the val Committee had this subject under considera-original appropriation, which was one million of 17th CoN. 1st Sess.-38

Mr. HILL said he had no hostility to this inquiry; but the Naval Committee had informed the House that they had this subject under consideration. What occasion was there then for passing this resolve? If the Naval Committee should not report upon the subject to the House within a few days, the gentleman would then have an opportunity to call up his resolution, if he chose.

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