repugnant Fugitive Slave law. You have a law in South Carolina by which you take the Free citizens of Massachusetts, or any other maritime State, and lock them up in jail, under a penalty. If the poor man

derstood to speak for the Republicans, his | ted with the same faithfulness as has been this most speech assumed peculiar significance, aside from its remarkakble power and unity. We shall reproduce so much of it as may illustrate its "points." After adverting to the unusual excitement, he thought argument would avail very little; but silence would be treason. Thus far he had listened for complaints in order to assertain what were the evils and wrongs complained of, but had listened in vain. As the Republican party never had held office-was only prospectively coming into power, it was manifest that no act had yet been committed of which to com

Senator Wade's

Speech.

plain. If fears existed as to what might happen, they were groundless, arising out of unwarrantable prejudices. If there were wrongs of deed or principle, he would be the first to recant them when they were shown to exist. Who are the complainants?

"Why, they have had more than two-thirds of this Senate for many years. You that complain represent but little more than one quarter of the free people of the United States; yet, you have prevailed for ten years past in the Cabinet of the President, and in the Supreme Court of the United States, and nearly every department of the Government. Those who voted with you have dictated the policy of the Government. Is it not strange that those who occupy this position come here complaining that their rights have been stricken down? * * * I may say these gentlemen who have raised upon this floor their bill of indictment against us, have been the leaders of the dominant party for years; therefore, if there is anything in the legislation of the Federal Government that is not right, you, and not we, are responsible for it. We never yet have been invested with power to control the legislation of the country for an hour."

"We have no security in traveling nearly one half of this Confederacy-especially the Gulf States. I don't care what a man's character may be, and if he never violated any law under heaven; but, if he comes from the North, and especially if he has exercised his political rights, and voted for Lincoln instead of somebody else, is an offence punishable by indignity, by stripes, and by death. And you, whose constituents are guilty of all these things, can stand up and accuse us of being unfaithful to the Constitution of the land! I make the assertion berc, that I do not believe, in the history of the world, there ever was a nation or a people where a law so repugnant to the general feeling was ever execu.

cannot pay the jail fees, eternal slavery stares him
in the face. It is a monstrous law, revolting to the
best feelings of humanity, and in conflict with the
Constitution of the United States * ** You
have the whole legislation of the country; you own
the Cabinet and the Senate, and, I may add, you
own the President of the United States as much as

the servants on your own plantations. I can't,
therefore, see why the Southern men rise up and
complain of the action of this Government.
What doctrines do we hold detrimental to you? Are
we the setters forth of any new doctrine under the

Constitution? I tell you nay. There is no principle

held to-day by the great Republican party that has not had the sanction of your government for more than seventy years. You have changed your opin ions-we stand where we used to stand. We stand, on the Slavery question, in the place formerly occupied by the most revered statesmen of this nation, every one of them, Washington, Jefferson, Monroe, Adams, Jackson and Polk, inclusive; and that revered statesman, Henry Clay, of blessed memory, with his dying breath asserted the doctrine we hold to-day. Why, then, are we held up before the com munity as violators of your rights? It is late in the day to accuse us of harboring these opinions.

"Mr. Lincoln's character, from his youth up, has been such that you have no right to draw any inference that he will trespass on the right of any man, and if you harbor adverse suspicions they are unwarrantable and spring from prejudice, nothing

else.

*

"The Republican party holds the same opinion, so far as I know, with regard to your peculiar institution' that is held by every civilized nation on the globe. We do not differ in public sentiment from England, France, Germany, and Italy on the subject of Slavery.

"I tell you frankly that we did lay down the principle on our platform, that we would prohibit, if we had the power, Slavery from invading another inch of free soil of this Government. I stand to that principle to-day. I have argued it to half a million of people and they stand by it-they have commissioned me to stand by it, and, so help me God, I will! I say to you while we hold this doctrine to the end there is no Republican, or Convention of Republicans, or Republican paper, that pretends we have any right in your States to interfere with your peculiar and local institutions. On the other hand, our platform repudiates the idea that we have any right, or harbor any ultimate intention, to invade,

"SIGNAL" RESOLUTIONS.

or interfere with, your institution, in your own States.

"I have disowned any intention on the part of the Republican party to harm a hair of your heads. We hold to no doctrine that can possibly work you any inconvenience-any wrong-any disaster. We have been and shall remain faithful to all the laws, studiously so. It is not, by your own confessions, that Mr. Lincoln is expected to commit any overt act by which you may be injured. You will not even wait for any, you say; but by anticipating that the Government may do you an injury you will put an end to it—which means, simply and squarely, that you intend either to rule or ruin this Govern

ment.

"As to compromises, I supposed that we had agreed the day of compromise was at an end. The most solemn we have made have been violated, and are no more. Since I have had a seat in the Senate, one of considerable antiquity was swept from our statute book; and when in the minority I stood up here and asked you to withhold your hands-that it was a solemn, sacred compact between nations what was the reply? That it was nothing but an act of Congress, and could be swept away by the same majority which enacted it. That was true in fact and true in law, and it showed the weakness of compromises.

"We beat you on the plainest and most palpable issue ever presented to the American people, and one which every man understood; and now, when we come to the capital, we tell you. that our candidates must and shall be inaugurated-must and shall administer this Government precisely as the Constitution prescribes. It would not only be hu miliating, but highly dishonorable to us, if we lis

89

Mr. Wade adverted, at some length, to the question of a right of secession, assuming that it was revolution, which, if successful, would make all concerned in it heroes-if unsuccessful, would submit every participator's neck to the halter. The President, he held, had but one course to pursue to sustain the Constitution and the laws. Washington City was founded by the "Father of his Country" to be the capital of the Union, and it should never be anything else. lived, and hoped to die, under the folds of the flag consecrated by the blood and sacrifices of his own father.

He himself had

This speech caused a sensation throughout the country. It was not the impulse of a moment, made in anger or haste. It was deliberate and well considered; and, being the first utterance of a Republican leader, was properly regarded as an exposition of the views and purposes of the dominant party. The Senate, during its delivery, was crowded with anxious listeners in the galleries, while many members of the Lower House found places on the floor. It was accepted as the declaration of the party, and its words were weighed by the public, thoughtfully and scrutinizingly, as the great occasion demanded.

"Signal" Resolu

tions.

In the House, Monday, various propositions were submitted, for compromises, amendments to the Constitution, calling of a National Convention, &c. A resolution, offer

"Whereas, The Constitution of the United States is the supreme law of the land, and its ready and faithful obedience a duty of all good and law-abiding citizens: Therefore,

tened to any compromise by which we should layed by Mr. Adrian, (Dem.,) of New Jersey,— aside the honest verdict of the people. When it after an amendment on motion of John Cochcomes to that you have no government, but anarchy rane, (Dem.,) of New York, including in the intervenes, and civil war may follow, and all the recommendation the repeal of all Personal evils that human imagination can raise may be con- Liberty bills, so called-was adopted by a sequent upon such a course as that. The American vote of 151 Yeas to 14 Nays:people would lose the sheet-anchor of Liberty whenever it is denied on this floor that a majority fairly given shall rule. I know not what others may do, but I tell you, that with that verdict of the people in my pocket, and standing on the platform on which these candidates were elected, I would suffer any thing before I would compromise in any way. I deem it no case where we have a right to extend courtesy or generosity. The absolute right, the most sacred that a free people can bestow upon any man, is their verdict that gives him a full title to the office he holds. If we cannot stand there we cannot stand anywhere, and, my friends, any other verdict would be as fatal to you as to us."

"Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the Constitution, wherever manifested, and that we earnestly recommend the repeal of the statutes by the State Legislatures in conflict with, and in violation of that sacred instrument, and the laws of Congress passed in pursuance thereof."

After some skirmishing with the Southern members, Mr. Lovejoy, (Rep.,) of Illinois, pressed the following to a vote

"Whereas, The Constitution of the United States | for a State to withdraw from the Union. Referred to the Committee of Thirty-three.

is the supreme law of the land, and its ready and faithful obedience a duty of all good and law-abiding citizens: Therefore,

Mr. Crawford, (Dem.) of Georgia, offered a motion declaring that the Constitution recog "Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobe- nizes property in slaves; that Congress has dience to the Constitution wherever manifested, and passed laws to aid slave-holders in recaptur that we earnestly recommend the repeal of all nul-ing their slaves whenever they escape and lification laws; and that it is the duty of the Presi- make their way into the Free States; that dent to protect and defend the property of the United the Supreme Court has decided that negroes States." are not included either in the Declaration of Independence or in the Constitution except as slaves; that they cannot become citizens; and we, the members of the House of Repre

This forced a direct issue upon all. It passed by a vote of 124-the Southern members quite generally refusing to vote. Nays,

none.

Mr. Morris, (Dem.,) of Illinois, then brought forward, for the third time, his Union resolution, as follows:

"Resolved by the House of Representatives, That we properly estimate the immense value of our National Union to our collective and individual happiness; that we cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; that we will speak of it as of the palladium of our political safety and prosperity; that we will watch its preservation with jealous

sentatives, will sustain and support the construction of the Constitution, the laws, and the said decision of the Supreme Court. This resolution was tabled Tuesday.

In the Senate, Tuesday, (Dec. 18,) the procedings took an additional interest by the introduction of schemes of compromise by Messrs. Lane, (Dem.) of Oregon, and Crittenden, (American) of Kentucky. The first-named declared the Government to be unfitted for the exigencies of the times and proposed Commissioners to suggest remedies, &c. This silly and impracticable scheme was, on motion of Mr. Douglas, very properly "laid over." Mr. Crittenden's series was as follows:

"Whereas, Alarming differences have arisen between the Northern and Southern States, as to the

and it is eminently desirable and proper that the dissensions be settled by the constitutional provisions which give equal justice to all sections, and thereby restore peace: Therefore,

anxiety; that we will discountenance whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned, and indignantly frown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts; that we regard it as a main pillar in the edifice of our real independence, the support of tran-rights of the common Territory of the United States, quillity at home, our peace abroad, our safety, our prosperity, and that very liberty which we so highly prize; that we have seen nothing in the past, nor do we see anything in the present, either in the election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, or from any other existing cause, to justify its dissolution; that we regard its perpetuity as of more value than the temporary triumph of any party or any man; that whatever evils or abuses exist under it ought to be corrected within the Union, in a peaceful and constitutional way; that we believe it has sufficient power to redress every wrong and enforce every right growing out of its organization or pertaining to its proper functions; and that it is a patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in peace and our defence in war."

This was passed by 115 to 44-several Northern Democrats, including Messrs. Sickles and Florence, voting nay.

Mr. Sickles, (Dem.,) of New York, introduced a resolution proposing, as an amendment to the Constitution, an article arranging

"Resolved, That by the Senate and House of Representatives, the following article be proposed and submitted, as an amendment to the Constitution, which shall be valid as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the Convention of three-fourths of the people of the States:

"First In all the Territories now or hereafter acquired, north of lat. 36 deg. 30 min., Slavery, or involuntary servitude, except for the punishment for crime, is prohibited; while, in all the Territory South of that latitude, Slavery is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress, but shall be protected, as property, by all departments of the Territorial Government, during its continuance. All the Territory north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, when it contains a population necessary for a member of Congress, with a republican form of government, shall be admitted into the Union, on an

ANDREW JOHNSON'S SPEECH.

equality with the original States, with or without | called for the use of force in sustaining the Slavery, as the Constitution of the State shall pres- laws. He said: cribe.

"The duties now are the same as in 1793 and 1832; "Second. Congress shall have no power to abolish the consequences belong to God. He intended to Slavery in the States permitting Slavery.

heart of the country, to obstruct its commerce, | altar of our common country, to lay the Con to excite war on its borders, and to endanger stitution upon it, and to swear that the Con its stability.

stitution shall be maintained and the Union preserved. He thought it better to preserve the Union, even if we had a quarrel with the North sometimes. It was better to quarrel with the North occasionally than to quarrel among ourselves. Mr. Johnson here referred to the remark of the Senator from Georgia (Iverson) about some Texan Brutus arising to

should conform to the wishes of the people. This, he (Johnson) said, does not look much like harmony. He appealed to the South to pause and consider before they rashly go too far. He earnestly appealed to the North to come forward with propositions of peace, conciliation, and concession. They know that Congress has power to-day to arrest secession and save the Union. Will they come forward, or desert the sinking ship? For one, he would stand supporting the edifice of his country as long as human efforts could last. Mr. Johnson closed with a strong, earnest, and eloquent appeal for all to stand by the Constitution and the Union.

Has South Carolina any right to draw her sister States into one common ruin? Mr. Johnson here quoted from Gov. Gist's Message and from Mr. Keitt's speeches to show that such was the intention. He (Johnson) would tell South Carolina that, as far as Tennessee was concerned, she would not be dragged into a Southern or any other Con-relieve that State of her Governor unless he federacy until she had time to consider about it! He would also tell the Northern States that Tennessee would not be driven out of the Confederacy either. If the Abolitionists wanted to abolish Slavery, the first step they would take would be to dissolve the Union. The existence of Slavery demands a preservation of the Union. What protection will the Border States have if the Union is dissolved, whose property is at stake, and whose interests are most endangered? If a division were commenced, where would it stop? Rather than see the Government divided into thirtythree petty, wrangling powers, he would see it a consolidated Government and consolidated power. What is the reason for disunion? Because our man was not elected! If Mr. Breckenridge had been elected, not one would have wanted to break up the Union; but Mr. Lincoln is elected, and now they say they will break up the Union. He said, No. What was there to fear? Mr. Lincoln was a minority President. Let South Carolina send | her Senators back, and Mr. Lincoln cannot even make a Cabinet without the consent of the Senate. Was he to be such a coward as to retreat when it was evident the South had the power in their own hands? Was he to be so cowardly as to desert a noble band at the North who stood by the South on principle? Yet, for a temporary defeat, it is proposed to turn our backs on them and leave them to their fate. We have nothing to do but to stand firmly at our posts like men, and in four years' time Lincoln and his party will both be hurled from power. What reason, then, is there for desertion and the breaking up of the Government? He believed that we could obtain all needed guarantees. He entreated every patriot to come forward in the spirit of brotherly love, to stand around the

Settled System of
Deception.

This speech from a Southern man of great influence in his State materially strengthened the cause of the Union. It awakened the Union men of the Border Slave States to a full comprehension of the crisis and its relations to their interests; for, unlike all other Union speeches, it had a large circulation among the people of those States. [A part of the system of disunion tactics, from the early stages of the movement, was to keep the large body of the people ignorant of the true nature of the relations and sentiments of the North by suppressing - except in garbled and perverted versions-all documents and statements calculated to enlighten the Southern people, in the fullest sense. Probably the world never has known so intelligent a people to be so hoodwinked and deceived by its orators and presses as the people of the Southern States during the year 1860. A Northern. man, cognisant of all sides of the argument, and knowing all the given facts of parties, principles and men, in reading a paper published anywhere south of Kentucky would be