Representatives in Congress, while they have | New England States.. twenty-eight. Few even of our own people realize how enormous this discrepancy has been; but, figures here are incontrovertible witnesses, and prove how largely Slaves are represented in our National councils. The fact thus expressed it is necessary to weigh well in any argument which may arise on the relative favors which the Constitution bestows upon particular sections. PACIFIC STATES. Middle States. North Western States.. The Free Territories. 3,135,301 7,465,943 7,870,896 432,479 213,292 2,698,841 Total pop. of Free States and Territories...19,117,911 These are the figures deduced from the Census reStates. 1850. 1860. Reps. Loss. Gain. turns for 1860, prepared California.... 92,597 380,015 Oregon.. 12,294 52,464 Total......104,891 432,479 3 1 4 0 - 0 Gain in 10 years 326,588, or nearly 310 per cent. 1 Both of these States are loyal to the Union and are classed with the Free States in all comparative estimates. . 21,816,752 5,581,630 .16,235,122 Effects of the Census. under the supervision of a Southern man. That they are correct admits of no doubt.. The results, gratifying to the North, disconcert the South, since they prove it to be helplessly in the minority. In the Union the power of the Slave States is forever gone, except, acting as a unit, they can take advantage of party divisions in the North to name certain single measures, or elect certain men; but, without a very strong co-operating party Reps. Loss.Gain. in the Free States, the Pro-Slavery propagandists are perfectly powerless to secure more soil, to command the Executive, to direct the revenues and appropriations, or to control legislation in their favor. The Constitution may be regarded by the Northern States to the letter-the Fugitive Slave Act may be enforced against every runaway negro slavethe right to Slave transit through the Free States may be conceded; but these will not avail to appease the Southern mind. The facts of their minority-that Slavery is circumscribed in the Union-that the Free soil and Free labor party is immensely in the ascendant-impelled the Southern people into the scheme for founding a pure Slave Confederacy, and no "compromise" will restore them to the Union except it be such a compromise as will abjure the old Constitution so far as to give the Slave States an equal share in the General Government at all times, an equal share in the common territory, the right of Slave transit through Free soil, the use of local officers and jails to arrest fugitives, &c., &c. Other terms than these they will not accept in peace so long as the "Southern idea" of property in man continues to influence the reason and to excite the passions of the people of the South. 3 CHAPTER II. THE OBJECTS OF SECESSION. Pre-determination to Socede. As early as in 1858, the results of the new census having been anticipated, the leaders of the rebellion began to canvass the subject of immediate secession. Jefferson Davis, in a speech at Jackson, Mississippi, in the fall of that year, assumed the position of a direct secession advocate. He said: "If an Abolitionist be chosen President of the United States, you will have presented to you the question of whether you will permit the Government to pass into the hands of your avowed and implacable enemies? Without pausing for an answer, I will state my own position to be, that such a result would be a species of revolution by which the purposes of the Government would be destroyed, and the observ ance of its mere forms entitled to no respect. In that event, in such a manner as should be most ex preme Court, under the laws, and under the people, has no power to oppress or wrong any section, and his election could afford no just cause for alarm, even if he were a Monarchist. None better knew this than the speaker quoted from above; but he, and all those who afterwards acted with him, chose to assume a fallacy as a fact, in order to aid and forward the pre-determined design of a dissolution of the Union; and the election of an "Abolitionist”—that is, any Northern man, with Northern or Freesoil principles-was to be the signal for the effort to cast off allegiance to the Constitution. Governor Hicks, in his address to the people of Maryland, said: “We are told by the leading spirits of the South Carolina Convenpedient, I should deem it your duty to provide for tion, that, neither the election of Mr. Lincoln, your safety outside of the Union, with those who nor the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave have already shown the will, and would have ac-law, nor both combined, constitute their quired the power, to deprive you of your birthright, grievances. They declare that the real cause and to reduce you to worse than the Colonial dependence of your fathers." Southern View of of their discontent dates as far back as 1833." We shall give the South Carolina Declaration The sentiment, it will be seen, covered the of Causes, in its proper order in this History, whole ground of the right and propriety of a and quote from Governor Hicks, to show how secession from the Union. "If an Abolition- a Southerner, not a Secessionist, viewed and ist be chosen President," proves that the con-understood the movement. Mr. Davis, in his tingency of a Northern triumph was appre-address to the Senate, (January 21st,) after hended, and what follows indicates the line arguing that the equality spoken of in the of argument to be pursued before the people Declaration of Independin justification of the movement for a dissolu- ence was the equality of a tion of the Confederacy. If an "Abolition-class of political rights, said: ist" had not been elected? Probably the "But we have proclaimed our independence. contemplated movement would not have been This is done with no hostility or any desire made in 1860, as the right pretext would have to injure any section of the country, nor even been wanting with which to go before the for our pecuniary benefit, but from the high people. Not that the election of any Presi- and solid foundation of defending and prodent could in any way change the Constitu- tecting the rights we inherited, and transtion, could control Congress, could affect that | mitting them unshorn to our posterity." bulwark of our institutions, the United States As the Declaration, in his view, secured only Supreme Court, could deprive any State, or a class of political rights, the succeeding avowany people, or any man of a birth-right:-the al that the step of secession was taken "from President being the mere temporary head of the high and solid foundation of defending the nation, under Congress, under the Su- and protecting the rights we inherited," &c. gives the reader a glimpse of the true purpo- | the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its cor Mr. Stephens' Expo. sition. ner-stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man. That Slavery-subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral condition. This, our new Government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths in the various departments of science. It has been so even amongst us. Many who hear me, per ses in view-not to recognize an equality of rights of persons, but to secure, to the dominant class, the "rights" it "inherited." All this, however, is not only clearly stated by the Vice-President of the "Confederate States," but the curtain is drawn aside, and we are permitted to see the moving will of the ambitious scheme of the Secession-haps, can recollect well, that this truth was not geneists. Mr. Stephens' exposition of the powers of their Constitution and the purposes had in view in its formation, was made at Savannah, March 21st, 1861. We may, therefore, here give place to such portions of his speech as will serve to illustrate our chapter subject, viz. :-"The objects of Secession," which it is highly important to understand as a prelimi-stated, our actual fabric is firmly planted; and I cannary to a just comprehension of all the events which have followed upon the rupture of old relations: "The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institutions-African Slavery as it exists among us-the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the rock upon which the old Union would split.' He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature: that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a government built upon it; when the storm came and the wind blew, it fell.' rally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors, with a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate fanatics. In the conflict thus far, success has been, on our side, complete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have not permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition of this prineiple throughout the civilized and enlightened world. "As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all truths are, and ever have been in the various branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by Gallileo-it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of politi cal economy-it was so with Harvey and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profession, living at the time of the announcement of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now they are universally acknowledged. May we not, therefore, look with confidence to the ultimate universal acknowledgement of the truths upon which our system rests. It is the first government ever instituted upon principles of strict conformity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the materials of human society. Many governments have been founded upon the principle of certain classes; but the classes thus enslaved, were of the same race, and in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of nature's laws. The negro, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper materials, the granite; then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordinances, or to question "Our new Government is founded upon exactly them. For His own purposes He has made one race SPIRIT OF THE SECESSION SENTIMENT. 81 to differ from another, as He has made one star to tainty. We are now the nucleus of a growing power, differ from another star in glory.' which, if we are true to ourselves, our destiny and high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will determine." "The great objects of humanity are best attained when conformed to His laws and decrees, in the formation of governments, as well as in all things else. Our Confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was rejected by the first builders is become the chief stone of the corner' in our new edifice. "The progress of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute cer This sets at rest all doubts in regard to the distinctive objects in view in severing relations with the old Confederacy, while it also demonstrates the moral and political spirit which will direct the new Government. CHAPTER III. SPREAD OF THE SECESSION SENTIMENT. Treasonable Utter ances. ELECTIONS held in the several Northern States, during September and October, indicated pretty clearly that Mr. Lincoln, the Republican nominee, would carry each of those States, with a fair prospect, also, of obtaining a majority in California and Oregon. This indication served to awaken the slumbering disunion feeling, and various projects were agitated, by Southern papers," to meet a common danger." In South Carolina there was but one sentiment-that of secession. The election of a Republican to the Presidency was not urged as the sole, or even the leading, cause of the disunion feeling; but the course of events seemed to have demonstrated that the people were rife for the formation of a Slave Confederacy, and the leaders prepared, even before the 6th of November, the programme of this disunion movement. think available for meeting it (the issue) is just to tear the Constitution of the United States, trample it under foot, and form a Southern Confederacy, every State of which shall be a slaveholding State. I believe it as I stand in the face of my Maker-I believe it on my responsibility to you as your honored representative that the only hope of the South is in the South, and that the only available means of making that hope effective is to cut asunder the bonds that tie us together, and take our separate position in the family of nations." This speech, violent as it was considered at the time, in the North, really reflected the sentiment of his State. A sympathy with that sentiment prevailed, to a great extent, throughout all the Cotton States; but, up to the date named, (Nov. 6th,) except in South Carolina, no action was taken which looked to immediate secession. Even in Virginia As early as 1856, one of the South Carolina the feeling against "submission" was SO representatives in Congress, Mr. Preston strong that Governor Letcher, in his Message Brooks-who, but a few weeks previously, to the Legislature said:-"It is useless to had assaulted United States Senator Sumner attempt to conceal the fact, that in the pre-in a speech made at an ovation given in his sent temper of the Southern people, it (the honor said among other things:election of a Republican President) cannot and will not be submitted to. * * The idea of permitting such a man to have the "I tell you, fellow-citizens, from the botom of my heart, that the only mode which I control and direction of the army and navy | For John Bell, of Tennessee, President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, Vice-President. of the United States, and the appointment of high judicial and executive officers, postmasters included, cannot be entertained by the South for a moment." The Democratic party, The Grand Vote for by being divided upon two President. candidates, rendered the Republican nominee's chances all the better; while a fourth, or "Union" candidate, in the person of John Bell, of Tennessee, being at a late hour brought forward, added certainty to Mr. Lincoln's hopes of success, since none of the candidates named against him could, to any material degree, distract the Republi can vote. The election resulted, as gloomily anticipated by the Southern States, in Mr. Lincoln's triumph. The vote stood: 39 303 The popular vote was largely against Mr. Lincoln, as will be perceived. Had all the opposition been united the vote would have stood:Opposition For the Republican candidates.. .2,804,560 .1,857,610 Majority in favor of the Democracy,..... 356,319 These figures are of particular interest as proving that the election was lost to the Democrats by their own divisions, for which the South alone was responsible. The Charleston Convention, (April 23d,) packed 5,437 with disunionists, sought to drive the North42,886 ern Democrats into declarations on the sub Rep. Dem. Dem. Union. Lincoln. Douglas Breck'e. Bell. 13,651 48,831 27,875 5,227 28,732 20,094 39,173 38,516 34,334 6,817 15,522 14,641 3,291 7,337 3,864 8,543 51,889 2,404 139,033 115,509 12,295 70,409 55,111 1,048 1,364 25,651 53,143 7,625 22,681 26,693 6,398 5,966 42,482 34,372 5,939 805 5,306 4,193 ject of Slavery at once distasteful and hos- 20,204 43,792 Delaware..... 3,815 1,023 Illinois 172,161 160,215 62,111 Maryland. 2,294 Massachu's.. 106,533 Michigan. 88,480 65,057 Minnesota. 22,069 11,920 748 405 25,040 58,372 441 62 spect. The malcontents, thwarted in their plans for the demoralization of the Northern Democrats, on the question of Slavery, withdrew, or "seceded," to prevent a nomination. The Convention failing of a nomination adjourned to meet at Baltimore, June 18th183 the "Seceders" having adjourned to meet at 12,776 Richmond, June 11th. The Convention at Baltimore was beset by the "Seceders" and their unaccredited delegates; but, after much discussion and voting they were ruled out, when Mr. Douglas received the nomination. The "Seceders," headed by Caleb Cushing, gathered at the Front Street Theatre, in Baltimore and nominated John C. Breckenridge, Twelve States were not represented at all, in that gathering. The "Seceders" at Richmond-composed entirely of delegates from the cotton growing States, with one from Tennessee and one from Virginia-having ad 11,350 64,709 69,274 6,849 1,929 16,290 86,110 65,021 74,681 |