In circle waited, whom the electric shock 25 30 35 40 There are two ways to read literature as carefully composed as this. One is: First run rapidly through the whole, trying to get the meaning in its larger units; then deliberately study the lower interpretations word by word. The other is: Attempt to carry the whole, reading solidly from the lowest to the highest units, in a single reading. The object in both is to develop such imaginative readiness and mental concentration as to compass the whole interpretation with the least possible analysis and delay. Either method used exclusively defeats its purpose. Those who approach a masterpiece in the first manner are apt to be superficial readers, and to shirk the difficulty of identifying all their author's devices. Others, who go about their reading in the second fashion, are often overpatient and finical, and grow too short-sighted to find the major meanings. There is no elaborated literature but calls for close study, even from its best interpreters, and sometimes in its lightest lines. The larger purpose of the paragraph is to bring the Greek house and all its memorials of the past, and in special the age of arms and armor and of chivalrous knights and "miracles of women," into contrast with our more prosaic and practical times. These Cambridge boys are romantic enough, and can hardly withdraw their faces from the backward view. There is danger lest the reader catch too much of the fantastic spirit. So the scientific triumphs of the century are pictured forth to furnish anchorage to the poem and keep its scenes from ballooning too high into the realms of fancy. Through contrast, "strange," indeed (1. 6), "was the sight," or, as the author says summarizingly and pointedly, in the first line following the passage here quoted "Strange was the sight and smacking of the time." Thus it becomes clear that the whole passage is a development, and interpretation, of this impression of "strangeness" as the author felt it. The last eight lines, however, are a deft and idyllic after-picture, softening and humanizing the whole, and withal concealing the chief purpose of the paragraph. When this general idea of the passage has become clear we are ready to take up the lowest meanings. "Sang" (1. 1) is palpably not used as a mere phrasing variant, as in Cowper's "I sing the sofa." It emphasizes the ringing and almost vocal quality of the lines, in the B way. "Gallant," "glorious," are interpretative epithets of the B sort. The author, who speaks here in his own person, properly enough makes himself enthusiastic over his "hoard of tales," which is indicated by "all rapt in this." Then comes the invitation to the Abbey. It was shown in an earlier paper that Lilia and her friends from the other Halls were by themselves, and these college young men are some what remarkably keeping aloof. At this summons to join them the author responds with small alacrity, keeping the folio volume with him as he goes. Young men home from college for the holidays do not generally repair to the presence of waiting young ladies with much re luctance. That Tennyson goes, taking the big tome along, with his finger in it to keep the place, furnishes a measure of his interest in the story, or a "degree-effect" of his mood. "Murmured" (1.7) is interpretative in an impressionistic (or "B") way. "Sown" is a T figure. "Echo answered in her sleep" (ll. 18, 19), is a fine B allegory. "In circle waited" (1. 21) is an instance of poetic sentence structure, which may be designated as B I (alliteration may be known more briefly by B II, and phrasing terms by BIII). "Dislink'd” (l. 22) is a good T. "Shook the lilies" (1. 24) is a good visualizing B. "Perch'd" is due apparently to a B personification, as if suggesting some ptero-dactyl-like monster, alighted for a time. "Angry" bears out the fanciful suggestion. "Fairy" (1. 28) interprets in the B way, by suggesting that a fairy might have descended in it. "Flew" (1. 36) interprets, exaggeratingly, in the B way, the lightness of the dancer's movements, which, of course, upon the green sward, are noiseless. "Isles" (1. 39) is a B figure. Usually that which anything makes us "think of" is interpretative in the "T" way, as exhibiting more typically and completely the true inwardness, or spiritual meaning. XV. In the November paper the twelve elements of which alone literature can be made up 'were given. The ends which these may be made to serve may well enough be considered next. The highest end of literature is to reveal. When Emerson says "An institution is but the lengthened shadow of one man," he communicates a revelatory idea of the Truth sort. It is wholly comprehensible, and at once engages our minds to realize it. We think of John Harvard and Elihu Yale and Ezra Cornell, then of Robert Raikes, and a dozen better examples. If Emerson had gone on to make his thought more practicable by instances he would have added sentences of a purely interpretative kind. We may put R as the symbol of Emerson's sentence, and I of our attempts, if expressed in language, to realize more practicably his meaning. But sometimes the revelatory meanings of an author are not easily or fully comprehensible. Thus, when Emerson says "The high and divine beauty which can be loved without effeminacy is that which is found in combination with the human will," and "We are taught by great actions that the universe is the property of every individual in it," we are enforced by the inner witness of consciousness to accept the sayings as true, but we cannot grasp them. The more we think and try to reduce to instances the further seems realization of the principle involved. Sentences, like the above from Emerson, may be designated by R], and such as carry somewhat of their ineffectual interpretation by I. Sentences or expressions that do not really make a spiritual principle of Truth or Beauty clearer, but edify us by the freshness with which they couch old meanings, may be indi cated by i. Much of Tennyson's diction goes no higher in the scale than this. Next under belong "conceits," which occasion a larger experience from the ingenuity and strangeness of the idea than from the interpretative proceeds of the thought. As an example of this must really be regarded the last interpretative example in the January MONTHLY: "The grave was just opening, but we got a stay and a temporary injunction in the case against her life." Next after comes "Marinistic" diction, which produces effect purely of a sensational kind, with no trace of interpretative edification. There is no more remarkable example than this from Cowley's Mistress: "Woe to her stubborn heart, if once mine come "Twill tear and blow up all within, Like a grenado shot into a magazine." At the bottom of the series stands mere "phrasing." Each of these forms may have to do with Truth or Beauty. Thus, Emerson's sentence "In private places, among sordid objects, an act of truth or heroism seems at once to draw to itself the sky as its temple, the sun as the candle," is R of the Beauty sort. The grades or degrees of literary efficacy, in the use of the twelve elements, will then be these: Truth Beauty American History Studies* VI. SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES N some respects this has been the most interesting, as, for a time, it was the most important, question in all American history. The great tragedy of the civil war came from it. For years before that event the people of the north and those of the south were unable to understand one another. It may be that they These studies are reprinted monthly and issued on the tenth R I R I i Conceits Marinism Phrasing L. A. SHERMAN. did not try as hard as they might, yet the environments had become so different from the existence of sectional slavery that it was very difficult for the people to see things from the same standpoints. It will not do to suppose the civil war was wholly due to slavery, yet that it furnished the of the month following issue of magazine. See advertisement. main causes I believe history I believe history will affirm. Neither must we suppose that the contest was the outcome of momentary hatred, nor that one section can be held wholly responsible for its terrible devastation. The factors had been in process of formation for more than two hundred years. The whole history of the white race on this continent must be studied to understand the problem thoroughly. The soil, climate, and resulting industries played an important part. Perhaps the most important thought for the youth of to-day to grasp is that the two sections were equally honest in their views. History, I believe, will affirm, nay, has affirmed, that those who fought for the southern view were wrong, and that the north, in this case, stood for progress and an advancing civilization. However, we should recognize that conditions and circumstances to a great degree determined belief; we should do justice to the devotion, the sacrifices, the courage, and the brilliancy with which they fought for a mistaken view. It is now time to cement the bond of union, to look to the future, to study the past for its lessons, but not to taunt nor to condemn. In a general way we may note, as it seems to me, about four general periods in this history. From 1619 to 1774, the period of planting. During these years the question was little thought about. Very few saw the dangers. It was not a political question at all. It can hardly be said to have come into the field of ethics, although a few here and there began to question its morality. From 1774 to 1808 there was a marked movement to put an end to the system. This force was strongest under the immediate influence of the Revolution, and had almost entirely passed away in the south by the end of the period. During these years the northern states freed themselves, and thus laid the foundation for the sectional contest. The almost, if not quite, unanimous expression of opinion during the earlier, at least, of these years was that slavery was an evil which it was hoped might pass away. The third period extended from 1808 to 1844, and was marked by a gradual recognition of the fact that there was no chance for the system to die out of itself. Gradually there came to be a recognition that the supposed interests of the two sections, socially, politically, and industrially were opposed. The north was coming to the view more positively that the whole system was an evil, and many came to believe it a sin for which all must answer. On the other hand, the south ceased to be apologists for its existence, and finally came to believe almost as one man that it was "a good-a positive good." The last period was that of contest. It began as a political issue, and ended in a physical struggle such as the world had perhaps never seen before. During these years scarcely a fact in American politics can be mentioned which was not more or less involved with the question of slavery. This brief outline is given, not because it is strictly in accordance with the laboratory method, but because in the brief extracts which I can give not enough matter can be presented to suggest the classification. A study of the following extracts may give something of a chance to test the truth of the conclusions, but they will hardly be full enough to establish their correctness. The following extracts from the early laws of the colonies will give us some idea of the state of mind which must have been back of the laws: [1723.] Be it enacted if any negro or Indian servant or slave shall be found abroad from home in the night season, after nine of the clock, without special order from his or their master or mistress, it shall be lawful for any person or persons to apprehend and secure such negro or Indian servant or slave so offending, and him or them bring before the next assistant or justice of peace.—Ibid, 1717-1725, p. 390. [1681. Proposals for the carrying on of the Negroe's Christianity.] Now concerning the Negroe's, The first and great step will be to procure their Owners consent, as being supposed to be averse thereto: not altogether, as is here believed, out of Interest . . . ; but by reason of the trouble, and the fancied needlessness of the Work; and to prevent all danger from their slaves being furnisht with knowledge, consequent, they conceive thereto.-Hart, American History Told by Contemporaries, vol. I, p. 299. Be it hereby further Declared and Enacted, by and with the Authority, Advice, and Consent afore said, That no Negro or Negroes, by receiving the Holy Sacrament of Baptism, is thereby manumitted or set . Be it therefore Enacted, That from and after the End of this present Session of Assembly, No Negro, or Mulatto Slave, Free Negro, or Mulatto born of a White Woman, during his Time of Servitude by Law, or any Indian Slave, or Free Indian Natives of this or the neighboring Provinces, be admitted and received as good and valid Evidence in Law, in any Matter or Thing whatsoever, . . ., wherein any Christian White Person is concerned.-Ibid, 1717, ch. 13, sec. 2. [1725.] XI. And be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That no Master or Mistress of any Negroe shall hereafter, for any Reward, Sum or Sums of Money, stipulated and agreed upon betwixt them, or upon any Pretence whatsoever, permit or suffer his or their Negroes to ramble about, under Pretence of getting Work, nor give Liberty to their Negroes to seek their own Employ, and so go to work at their own Wills, under the Penalty of Twenty Shillings for every such Offence.-Acts of Pennsylvania. [1792.] V. No negro or mulatto shall be a witness, except in pleas of the Commonwealth against negroes or mulattoes, or in civil pleas, where negroes or malattoes alone shall be parties. VI. No slave shall go from the tenements of his master or other person with whom he lives, without a pass, or some letter or token, whereby it may appear that he is proceeding by authority from his master, employer, or overseer. XI. Riots, routs, unlawful assemblies, trespasses and seditious speeches by a slave or slaves, shall be punished by stripes ...Acts of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, Printed by A. Davis, 1794, pp. 196, 197. [1793.] II. Be it enacted by the General Assembly, That from and after the passing of this act, every free negro or mulatto, who resides in, or is employed to labour within the limits of any city, borough, or town, shall be registered and numbered in a book to be kept for that purpose by the clerk of the said city, borough, or town, which register shall specify his or her age, name, colour and stature, by whom, and in what court the said negro or mulatto was emancipated, or that such negro or mulatto was born free.-Ibid, p. 327. [1687, New York.] . . . This I observe that they take no care of the conversion of their Slaves.-Hart, vol. I, p. 543. [1650, New York.] There are, also, various other negroes in this country, some of whom have been made free for their long service, but their children have remained slaves, though it is contrary to the laws of every people that anyone born of a Christian mother should be a slave and be compelled to remain in servitude.-Ibid, p. 535. [Rev. John McDowell said in 1762 concerning North Carolina]: We have but few families in this parish, but of the best in the province, viz., His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the President, some of the honorable Council, Col. Dry, the Collector, and about 20 other good families, who have each of them great gangs of slaves. We have in all about 200 families.Cited in J. H. U. Studies, 1896, p. 193. Every freeman of Carolina shall have absolute power and authority over negro slaves of what opinion and religion whatsoever.-Ibid, p. 27. Be it further enacted, That if any master, or owner of negroes, or slaves, or any other person or persons whatsoever in the government shall permit or suffer any negro or negroes to build on their or either of their lands or any part thereof any house under pretense of a meeting house upon account of worship or upon any pretense whatsoever, and shall not suppress and hinder them, he, she, or they so offending shall for every default forfeit or pay fifty pounds, one-half towards defraying the contingent charges of the government, the other to him or them that shall sue for the same. Ibid, p. 50. That there were those during these years who held different views from those manifested in these laws may be seen from the following extracts. JONATHAN EDWARDS the younger said: "To hold a man in a state of slavery, is to be, every day, guilty of robbing him of his liberty, or of man stealing." Cited in Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 28. The town meeting of Danbury, Connecticut, in 1774, passed the following resolution: "We cannot but think it a palpable absurdity so loudly to complain of attempts to Enslave us while we are actually Enslaving others."-American Archives, vol. I, p. 1038. The Friends, in their annual meetings, give us their views in the following resolutions: [1696, Advised the members to] be careful not to encourage the bringing in of any more negroes, and that those who have negroes be careful of them, bring them to meetings, have meetings with them in their families, restrain them from loose and lewd living, as much as in them lies, and from rambling abroad, on First days or other times. [1774.] All members concerned in importing, selling, purchasing, giving or transferring negroes or other slaves, or otherwise acting in such a manner as to continue them in slavery beyond the term limited by law or custom [for whites] was directed to be excluded fr. membership or disowned. [1776] It was enacted by the same meeting That the owners of slaves, who refused to execute proper instruments for giving them their freedom, were to be disowned likewise.-Goodell, pp. 35, 36. In the Virginia convention of 1774 to choose delegates to the Philadelphia convention, Jefferson laid before it an exposition of the rights of British America. A part was as follows: The abolition of domestic slavery is the great object of desire in those colonies where it was unhappily introduced in their infant state. But previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves, it is necessary to exclude all further importations from Africa; Yet our repeated attempts to effect this by prohibitions, and by imposing duties which might amount to a prohibition, have been hitherto defeated by his Majesty's negative; Thus preferring the immediate advantage of a few African [British] corsairs, to the lasting interests of the American States, and to the rights of human nature deeply wounded by this infamous practice.-Jefferson, Works, vol. I (Ford), p. 440. The convention actually Resolved, We will neither ourselves import nor purchase any slave or slaves imported by any other person after the 1st day of November next [1774], either from Africa, the W. Indies, or any other place. -Ib., p. 687. The North Carolina Provincial Convention of the same year Resolved, That we will not import any slave or slaves, or purchase any slave or slaves imported or brought into the province by others, from any part of the world after the first day of Nov. next.-Ib., p. 735. The first General Congress, in 1774, passed the following Articles of Association: We do, for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several Colonies whom we represent, firmly agree and associate, as follows: . . 2. We will neither import nor purchase, any slave imported after the first day of December next; after which time, we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures, to those who are concerned in it. 11. That a committee be chosen in every county, city, and town, by those who are qualified to vote for representatives in the legislature, whose business it shall be attentively to observe the conduct of all persons touching this association; and when it shall be made to appear, to the satisfaction of a majority of any such committee, that any person within the limits of their appointment has violated this association, that such majority do forthwith cause the truth of the case to be published in the gazette; to the end, that all such foes to the rights of British-America may be publicly known and universally contemned as the enemies of American liberty; and thenceforth we respectively will break off all dealings with him or her. 14. And we do further agree and resolve that we will have no trade, commerce, dealings or intercourse whatsoever, with any colony or province, in N. Amer., which shall not accede to or who shall hereafter violate this association, but will hold them as unworthy of the rights of freemen and as inimical to the liberties of this country.-Journal of Congress, vol. 1, 23 f. The representatives of the Darien district, in Georgia, in 1775, resolved: "To show the world that we are not influenced by any contracted or interested motives, but a general philanthropy for all mankind, of whatever climate, language, or complexion, we hereby declare our disapprobation and abhorrence of the unnatural practice of slavery in America (however the uncultivated state of our country, or other specious arguments may plead for it,) a practice founded in injustice and cruelty, and highly dangerous to our liberties (as well as lives,) debasing part of our fellow-creatures below men, and corrupting the virtue and morals of rest, and is laying the basis of that liberty we contend for, (and which we pray the Almighty to continue to the latest posterity,) upon a very wrong foundation. We, there fore, Resolve, at all times to use our utmost endeavors for the manumission of our slaves in this colony, upon the most safe and equitable footing for the master and themselves.”—Am. Archives, vol. I, p. 1136. The Declaration of Independence as originally drafted contained the following clause: he has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating it's most sacred rights of life & liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating & carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. this piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian king of Great Britain determined to keep open a market where MEN should be bought & sold he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce: and that this assemblage of horrors might |