The Negro and the Nation: A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement |
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Page 3
... ; wars became less general ; but in the established social order that grew up there was a definite place for a great class of slaves . It was part of Nature's early law , the strong raising How Slavery Grew in America 3.
... ; wars became less general ; but in the established social order that grew up there was a definite place for a great class of slaves . It was part of Nature's early law , the strong raising How Slavery Grew in America 3.
Page 4
... continent , in the words of Weeden ( Economic and Social History of New England ) : " The seventeenth century organized the new western countries , and created an immense opportunity for labor 4 The Negro and the Nation.
... continent , in the words of Weeden ( Economic and Social History of New England ) : " The seventeenth century organized the new western countries , and created an immense opportunity for labor 4 The Negro and the Nation.
Page 6
... social conscience was not awake , -strange as its slumber now seems . Stranger still , as we shall see , after it had once been thoroughly roused , it was deliberately drugged to sleep . But this belongs to a later chapter . New England ...
... social conscience was not awake , -strange as its slumber now seems . Stranger still , as we shall see , after it had once been thoroughly roused , it was deliberately drugged to sleep . But this belongs to a later chapter . New England ...
Page 7
A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement George Spring Merriam. The social conscience was not developed along this line ; men were unconscious of the essential wrong of slavery , or , uneasily conscious of something wrong , saw ...
A History of American Slavery and Enfranchisement George Spring Merriam. The social conscience was not developed along this line ; men were unconscious of the essential wrong of slavery , or , uneasily conscious of something wrong , saw ...
Page 11
... social utilities are in seeming contradiction , the answer may be no easy one . The great difficulty at the outset , as to the relative power in Congress of the large and small States , was settled at last by the happy compromise of ...
... social utilities are in seeming contradiction , the answer may be no easy one . The great difficulty at the outset , as to the relative power in Congress of the large and small States , was settled at last by the happy compromise of ...
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Common terms and phrases
14th amendment abolished Abolitionists amendment American anti-slavery army better bill cabinet Calhoun candidate cause character Civil claimed Congress Constitution convention declared defeated Democrats disunion Douglas election emancipation emancipation proclamation Fanny Kemble favor Federal force Force bill Free Soil freedmen Freedmen's Bureau freedom fugitive gave Georgia Governor govt Hayes Henry hostility House human industrial interest Jefferson John Brown Johnson Kansas labor leaders Legislature Lincoln Louisiana Massachusetts ment Mississippi moral negro nominated North Northern opposed organized Ostend manifesto passed peace plantation political popular practical Pres President Presidential principles proposed question race recognized reconstruction refused Repub Republican party secedes secession Senate sentiment Seward slave power slave trade slave-holding slavery social society South Carolina Southern speech spirit strong suffrage Sumner temper territory tion Uncle Tom's Cabin Union Virginia vote voters Washington Whigs wrong
Popular passages
Page 245 - My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is no.t either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it 5 and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
Page 250 - In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth.
Page 7 - The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submissions on the other.
Page 221 - The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.
Page 103 - Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void : it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States...
Page 206 - For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
Page 136 - Tis of the wave and not the rock; 'Tis but the flapping of the sail, And not a rent made by the gale ! In spite of rock and tempest's roar, In spite of false lights on the shore. Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea! Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee.
Page 380 - Say not the struggle nought availeth, The labour and the wounds are vain, The enemy faints not, nor faileth. And as things have been they remain. If hopes were dupes, fears may be liars ; It may be, in yon smoke concealed, Your comrades chase e'en now the fliers, And, but for you, possess the field.
Page 250 - And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God.
Page 157 - I John Brown am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with Blood. I had as I now think vainly flattered myself that without very much bloodshed it might be done.