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humanity. Leave the ultimate relation of the races to those sovereign powers working through Nature and mankind, which we dimly understand, but with which we best cooperate by doing the right deed here and now."

Some things we say-and think, too,-when we are in debate with our opponents, and some other things we think when we quietly commune with ourselves. Any social ordinance or usage finds its final test when we bring it into the companionship of our highest ideal. We may here borrow an apologue:

"The other night I fell asleep when soothed by vivid. memories of a visit to Charleston soon after the war. The place was then new to me, and the warmth of old friends from whom I had long been parted and the cordial hospitality of those now first met seemed to blend with the delicious atmosphere which soothed and charmed my senses. The memory prompted a dream, in which I sat again at that hospitable board, where my host had summoned a company to meet a special guest. The stranger delighted us all, partly by his suggestive comments, but still more by some subtle sympathy which moved us all to free and even intimate speech. Gradually the company enlarged; presently entered a man, and my host whispered to me, 'That fellow tried to ruin me, but I can't shut him out now '—and place was made. Then came in one with marked Jewish features, and the company drew their chairs together and made room for him. More intimate and sympathetic grew the talk, -strangely we all felt ourselves in a region of thought and feeling above our wont, and brought close together in it. It dawned on me 'this Presence among us is the same that once walked in Jerusalem and Galilee.' At that moment there appeared at the door a newcomer of dark hue. A frost fell on the company; they seemed to stiffen and close their ranks; the host's face turned in trouble and uncertainty

from the newcomer to the guest of honor. The Guest arose and spoke to the stranger,- Take my place!' he said."

Each of us dreams his own dream, and thinks his own thought. Differ as we may, let us unite wherever we can in purpose and action. The perfect social ideal will be slow in realization, but it is to-day's straightforward step along some plain path that is bringing us nearer to it. The black workman who every day does his best work; the white workman who welcomes him to his side; the trade-union that opens its doors alike to both colors; the teacher spending heart and brain for her pupils; the statesman planning justice and opportunity for all; the sheriff setting his life between his prisoner and the mob; the dark-skinned guest cheerfully accepting a lower place than his due at life's feast; the white-skinned host saying, Friend, come up higher,it is these who are solving the race problem.

Slowly but surely we are coming together. We confront our difficulties as a people, however we may differ among ourselves, with a oneness of spirit which is a help and pledge of final victory. We are one by our most sacred memories, by our dearest possessions, and by our most solemn tasks. Our discords are on the lower plane; when the rich, full voices speak, in whatever latitude and longitude, they chord with one another. When Uncle Remus tells Miss Sally's little boy about Brer Rabbit and Brer Fox, the children from the Gulf to the Lakes gather about his knees. Tom Sawyer and Huck Finn are claimed as comrades by all the boys between the Penobscot and the Rio Grande. Lanier's verse rests on the shelf with Longfellow's. The seer of Concord gives inspiration in Europe and India and Japan. Frances Willard stands for the womanhood of the continent. When Fitzhugh Lee died, it was not Virginia only but America that mourned a son. When Mary Livermore passed away, we all did honor to her heroic spirit. When Dunbar sings

his songs, or DuBois speaks in the tones of scholar and poet, we all listen. The great emancipators of the successive generations,-Woolman, Lundy, Channing, Mrs. Stowe, Lincoln, Armstrong, Booker Washington-do we not all claim a share in them? Just as all Englishmen feel themselves heirs alike of the Puritan Hampden and the Royalist Falkland, so we Americans all pay our love and reverence to the heroes of our war,-Grant and Lee, Jackson and Sheridan, Johnston and Thomas, and all their peers.

And we are one by the common tasks that confront us. This problem of the races,-it is a challenge to do our best. "Impossible? What are we put into the world for, but to do the impossible in the strength of God?" The rich man and the poor man, the employer and the laborer, must find some common ground of justice and harmony. The nation must be steered away from commercial greed and military glory, toward international arbitration, toward peace, toward universal brotherhood. Knowledge and faith are to join hands, and the human spirit is to reach nobler heights. These are the tasks which we Americans are to meet and master-together.

The hope of Lincoln is finding its late fulfillment: “The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave "-Northern and Southern graves alike—

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to every living heart and hearth-stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." The pathetic melody of the negro spirituals, the brave and rollicking strains of "Dixie," and the triumphant harmony of "The Star Spangled Banner," blend and interweave in the Symphony of America.

INDEX

ABBOTT, Ernest Hamlin, on in

dustrial problem of South, 397. Abolition, see Emancipation. Abolitionists (Cf. Anti-slavery

men), in England, 38; opinions of North and South on, 54; inclusiveness of term, 54 ff; characterized, 56 ff; conservatives ally themselves with Republicans, 130; extremists not opposed to secession, 212; favor disunion, 217.

Adams, Charles Francis, joins "Free Soil" party, 81; nominated for Vice-President, 82; proposes compromise on slavery, 229; candidate for Presidential nomination, 328. Adams, John Quincy, character

istics, 28; relations with Clay,
29; in Congress, 72; believes
abol. of slavery as war measure
legal, 253.

Adams, Nehemiah (Dr.), 141.
Adams, Samuel, 8.

of

Alabama, admitted as slave State, 23; forbids importation slaves, later repeals, 36; secedes, 225; emancipation in, 260; gives qualified assent to thirteenth amendment, 262; provisional govt. formed, 275; reconstructed, 310; negro voters in majority in, 311; Federal interference in election (1872), 323; Democrats regain control in, 324; legal limitation of suffrage in, 383, 384. Alabama Claims,

Claims, the, settled,

325. Alcorn, J. M., first Republican governor of Mississippi, 336. Alcott, Amos Bronson, characterizes John Brown, 160; futile views of on war, 242. Allen, Charles, refuses to support Whig party, 81.

Amendments, constitutional, Thirteenth, 262; ratified, 268, 276; declared adopted, 276; Fourteenth formulated and discussed, 297 ff; prob. reason for mistake of exclusion art. in, 301; disqualifications under removed by Congress, 302; restoration offered to South upon adoption of, 303; rejected by South, 304, 310; Grant against exclusion clauses in, 310; scheme to apply to reduction of Southern representation, 403 ff; Fifteenth proposed, 314; adopted, 315, 403. American Missionary Asso'n, labors of for freedmen, 362. American Party. (See KNOWNOTHING PARTY), 115, 151; death of, 153.

"American system," 31.

Ames, Adelbert, governor of Mississippi, 336; calls for Federal troops; impeached; driven from state, 340.

Ames, Charles G., characterizes Stroud's Slave Laws, 110. Amherst agricultural college, chooses negro foot ball captain, 406.

Anderson, Major, at Ft. Moultrie, 223; Buchanan refuses aid to; withdraws to Ft. Sumter; supported, 224; surrenders, 235. Andersonville, terrors of, 245. Andrew, John A. (Gov.), de

nounces slavery, 154; on John Brown, 165; strongly opposes secession, 230; course as war governor, 279; suggests principles of reconstruction, 280; endeavors to interest Northern capital in South, 319.

" Anti-Nebraska" party, 115. Anti-secessionists, in North and South, 212,

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