then advise the Unionists and any one of the Democratic parties to unite on one man, and, if possible, move heaven and earth to secure his election, and thus defeat the Black Republicans.

"We are asked if under any circumstances we would vote for Bell. We answer yes. If there shall be one chance in nine hundred and ninety-nine thousand of his election over Lincoln, we will go our whole soul for him. 'But he is not a Democrat.' No matter whether he has the name of Democrat or not. Is he a sound constitutional man? Will his election calm the boiling whirlpool of political agitation and strife, and secure the salvation of the Union? What citizen, we ask, who loves his country, would refuse to vote for such a man simply because he has not the name Democrat?

"Democrat! Who are Democrats? And where are they? Suppose we vote for Breckinridge? He is a Democrat. Then the Douglas party would denounce us as a disunionist. Suppose we vote for Douglas? He is a Democrat. Then the Breckinridge party would denounce us as an Abolitionist. So, under such circumstances, what are we to do? 'What are we to do?' We shall do just as we please, and ask no man any odds that's the 'upshot' of the whole affair. Our country first, last, and forever! And may laurels, imperishable as the duration of eternity, wreathe the brow of him who shall be instrumental in its salvation! May God in mercy lend a helping hand to the party that is working for the peace, prosperity, and salvation of our country, the blessed nursing mother of us all!

"Finally, 'suppose Lincoln shall be elected: what then?' Let him take his seat, and, if he act well his

part, continue until his term expires. If he shall violate his constitutional rights, let him be dealt with accordingly. What else can be done?”

And now, reader, we must close this chapter, having extended our remarks on this subject far beyond what we intended; but it is a subject which fires up our whole soul. What is life without a happy, peaceful home? And how can this be enjoyed without a happy, peaceful country? It cannot. But we must close, and leave other questions for future chapters.

We urged a fusion of the Bell and Douglas parties because there was no material issue of any important character between them so far as we could observe. They seemed to harmonize throughout. The Douglas electors argued that he was an uncompromising Union man,that he was the regular nominee of the National Democratic party,—that he had done more, suffered more, and had been more reviled for the support he had given to the South than any other living man. The only objection to his political principles appeared to be his devotion to what was termed "Squatter Sovereignty." He was eulogized by the Bell electors, and Bell was lauded by the Douglas electors. Hence it seemed strange to us that these two parties would not coalesce for the sake of saving the Union; especially when the electors of both these parties denounced the Breckinridge party as disunionists.

The electors of the Breckinridge party in Virginia indignantly repelled the charge of being disunionists, unless "in the event of certain contingencies," which, in plain English, simply meant, If Lincoln is elected then we will secede; or, unless we are successful, we will

break up the Government. They were exceedingly cautious on this question, for fear the party might lose influence. Yancey and Newton had already avowed themselves as being disunionists, but they were "isolated exceptions;" they were by no means the proper and fair "exponents" of the party. It was our devotion to the Union, and our very soul's desire that our country might be saved, that influenced us to urge a fusion of any two or of all three of these parties. We felt that we were willing to make any sacrifice for the salvation of the country, and we thought that others ought to do the same. They think so, too, now.

THE

"NIGGER!" "

CHAPTER VII.

แ NIGGER!" "NIGGER!"-WAR-CRY FOR POLITICAL PURPOSES-POLITICIANS GREAT KNAVES, ETC.

ETC.

IN the number of the "Christian Banner" of September 13, 1860, under the head of "Random Thoughts," we wrote and published the following:

"We are tired, disgusted, and sickened out with this 'nigger' question. In every political speech, in every newspaper, at the corner of every street, in social circles, at churches, in prayer-meetings, in parlors, in kitchens, in workshops, and barber-shops, and everywhere else where two or three are met together, the 'nigger' topic is first, last, and forever. We want a stop put to it. Can it be done? We trust in God that this question

will soon be settled and silenced forever.

Men talk about it; boys talk about it; women talk about it; girls talk about it; negroes talk about it; and everybody talks about it; and they talk everywhere, without prudence or any sort of discretion whatever.

"If we had talked, when a boy, as everybody talks now on this subject, if our voice could not have been silenced in any other way, we verily believe our tongue would have been pulled out of our mouth. The times have changed, and the people have changed, and it seems that the very seasons themselves have changed, and the whole world appears to be undergoing changes.

"Some say that all the noise that has been made and is now being made about dissolving the Union is 'child's talk,'—that there is no danger of a dissolution of the Union,—that the cry of dissolution of the Union has been gotten up for political purposes. Is it possible? Can it be possible that all this strife, and war, and noise, and excitement all over the country is gotten up by politicians for political ends? If this be true, politicians are a set of greater knaves and scoundrels than we had even supposed. Whether they design the dissolution of the Union or not, or whether the Union will be dissolved or not, their course of conduct is working fearful results all over our country.

"If there be no danger of a dissolution of the Union, then great men and statesmen, the leaders of the masses of the people, have made a long, loud, terrible, and thundering fuss, simply to ignore their claim to public confidence in all time to come. They merit the execrations of a brave, intelligent, free, and patriotic people.

"Was the John Brown raid a political stratagem? Is the Texas excitement a political trick? Are all the

insurrectionary moves, all the rebellions and murders, which have taken place all over the South, political manœuvrings to dupe and deceive the good and quiet citizens of our country? Who believes it?

Who can believe it? Be not deceived, fellow-citizens. That there is danger,-imminent danger,-no man of sense can deny! Yes, there is danger, and a fearful danger, of precipitating this country, this whole country, this country of our forefathers, this country of ours, this country which we had hoped to bequeath to our children, into one of the most terribly awful revolutions the world has ever witnessed! Yes: and the sin of it all will fall on the heads of corrupt politicians and designing preachers, who have been, and now are, leading the great masses of the people captive at their will! Is not this so? Think! will you ?

"Some say the design of the cotton States is to dissolve the Union at all hazards, and reopen the African slave-trade. Now, reader, mark what we say. If this Union be dissolved and a Southern Confederacy formed, the cotton States will soon find that they have already as many negroes as they want,-as many as they can safely manage. Remember this, will you? The institution of African slavery and the prosperity and glory of the South are destined to fall together: they are doomed!

“We are gravely told by politicians that this whole question of intervention and non-intervention by Congress is simply a political abstraction,-a mere political dogma. Is it possible that pure, honest-hearted, patriotic politicians will plunge their whole country into fatal revolution on a mere political abstraction,— a worthless, political dogma? Is it possible that they