ment by sea and land. At the latest moment we hear that he is in line of battle at Savannah, and before our ink (printer's) is dry, the great battle will doubtless be fought.

A few words of comment must close this brief summary of Sherman's movement. 1st. It is a great strategic movement. Suddenly cutting loose from his base, when that was threatened, he moves a large and well appointed army, without a preonition, upon the enemy's rear, upon the weak and unprotected points of those strongholds which have defied all maritime inventions and ingenuity. He thus makes war support war, cuts the enemy in two, invades his rich depot of supplies, renders Hood additionally anxious and desperate; further isolates Richmond, and out of the nettle danger, plucks the flower safety."

2d. It is a mammoth raid; a broad path of desolation marks his track; the railroad communications are severed and destroyed; most of the towns in his rear are rendered useless to the enemy, should he again attempt to occupy them, and his chief, almost his only opposition is found in the form of declaiming generals (almost as numerous as their soldiers), and proclaiming Governors, whose cry of "wolf” is unheeded, even now that the peril has come.

3d. It is the boldest movement of its kind known in history. By some it has been likened to Napoleon's march to Moscow. But although the great Emperor carried "five hundred thousand men and more" into the heart of Russia, he may be said never to have entirely abandoned his base, for until he crossed the Niemen, all Europe was at his back in the shape of the strongest alliances. Poles and Prussians, Saxons and Austrians were in his ranks, and he left garrisons in the conquered towns, as he advanced; and, although his supplies sometimes miscarried, it was provided that they should always follow in his train. But Sherman has no base, and no supplies, and the Moscow he will reach will never burn to compel a

disastrous retreat.

To us it has more in common with the famous Anabasis. But the Greeks were fleeing homeward from Persian treachery, in great anxiety, if not in terror, after the fall of Cyrus at Cunaxa. Their glad shout, "The sea! the sea!" when they beheld the sunlit waves of the distant Euxine, was a cry of thanksgiving for their safety. Sherman reverses all this; he seeks the sea indeed, but with a triumphant advance; and although his glorious veterans will hail it as eagerly as did the ten thousand, it is because it is the sign not only of perils over, but of new conquests. The boldness of the plan, and the responsibility of its arduous execution are his. Let the great glory be his and that of his famous army. As for his destruction, to speak of it is ridiculously absurd; he is not only perfectly safe in any event, but he cannot now fail of his purpose.

Such being the great cardinal movement, let us look at the collaterals. Hood, angry and desperate, too late to intercept or harass Sherman, his thorn in the flesh, establishes his base on the Tennessee, from Florence to Decatur, and thence moves rapidly, with numbers superior to Thomas, along the Nashville and Decatur Railroad, to overwhelm Nashville, and, in event of success, to invade Kentucky. Thus he advances upon Pulaski, crosses the Duck River at Columbia, and, not entirely unopposed or unchecked, at last reaches Franklin.

Who, for a moment, doubts the true policy of Thomas? It is as clear as noonday. He has a vast region to protect: he must retire on Nashville and receive strong re-enforcements. Who, then, will misunderstand his cautious and wellconducted retreat as Hood attacks and flanks him, admirably aided by Forrest with his cavalry? This brings us to a brief consideration of

GENERAL SCHOFIELD'S VICTORY AT FRANKLIN.-Following cut the policy we have

indicated, it became necessary for General Schofield, the commander of the troops in the field, to check the enemy from time to time, until he could get his trains and matériel safely to Nashville. So there was fighting at Columbia, and a sharp action at Spring Hill, about twelve miles south of Franklin, on the 29th of November, after which our troops retired to Franklin.

Here Hood pressed Schofield so fiercely that it became necessary to fight a battle. The danger was great; the town was filled with our trains, and time must be gained for them to cross the Big Harpeth, and hurry on to Nashville. On this river, in a bend with the concavity southward, thus forming a close re-entering, is the town of Franklin. On the north bank is a well constructed fort, with heavy guns in barbette, commanding the town and the country southward, and also protecting the railroad and turnpike to Nashville, on the north bank.

Schofield rapidly formed his line of battle south of the town, across the bend, in semicircular form, both wings resting on the river. Stanley's Corps formed his right, and Cox his left; the head-quarters, from which every point of the field was to be seen, were in the fort. Numerous batteries were posted in front of our entire line, and Wilson's cavalry was disposed on the flanks.

The rebel order of battle placed Cheatham on their left, Stewart on the right, and Lee in reserve opposite the right centre. The ranks were ranged four deep on the wings. They were about to try their old system of tactics, first to crush our centre and then to attack the right wing. Meantime our trains were using all possible expedition to get away.

The battle opens; the irregular firing of the skirmishers merges into the roar of cannon and the drum-like rattle of musketry. Hood, ever valiant but never wise, had personally inspected our lines, and then riding along each brigade of his own army, had repeated a little speech prepared and conned for the occasion: "These lines must be broken, boys; break them, and you have finished the campaign; break them, and nothing can impede your march to the Ohio." These words were the prologue to one of the most splendid and sanguinary battle scenes of the war, The rebels rushed forward in a magnificent charge upon our centre, designed to crush it, sever the two wings, beat them in detail, gain the town, and destroy our trains. On came the long lines of gray and steel, with an unflinching valor always the most admirable in war. But the sweeping fire of our batteries in front, and the terrible barbettes from the fort kept up a feu d'enfer which they could not breast. Line after line was melted, and poured back. Lee's reserves came to the rescue. and with fresh vigor succeeded at last in piercing our centre; it swung wide open like a human gateway, and their purpose seemed to be effected. Not so. Behind our centre lay Opdyke's brigade in reserve. This was the critical moment. General Stanley, who had moved like Mars upon the field, the bravest of the brave and the coolest, too, is said to have called out, "Opdyke, I want that line restored." "ConIclude it done, General," was the calm reply, which, unless we are mistaken, will pass into proverbial history. It was done. Opdyke springs upon the advancing rebels; Wagner and Riley, who had given way under the tremendous strain, rally behind him and charge again, recapture the guns and the line, and take a thousand prisoners; a brilliant riposte.

There was desultory fighting elsewhere-a feeble effort on our right, but thus the battle ended in our favor. The enemy's loss was more than double ours; we captured eighteen battle-flags, our trains were in safety, and our army, true to its original purpose, left the barren field and retired to Nashville.

Of course Hood claims a victory, although he knows far better. We heartily wish him many such. We condemn him out of his own mouth. The campaign in Tennes

see is not ended; the road to the Ohio is still slightly obstructed, and his own situation seems to grow more aimless and desperate every day. We are fond of "old saws," especially when we can apply them to "modern instances." Hood realizes more than any other rebel general, the apophthegm of Horace:

"Vis consili expers mole ruit sua."

The more he displays such vim, the better for us. General Schofield deserves great praise for his forecast, skill, resolution, and judgment, and his name will have a permanent and brilliant reputation in history as the hero of Franklin.

Of other movements our space will only permit a brief mention of the action of General Foster at Grahamsville, and the destruction of the railroad, seventy miles from Charleston, and thirty-four from Savannah. This was manifestly intended as a diversion in favor of Sherman; and although it seems to have been made too soon, the force still remains in observation on the Broad River. Our troops did not succeed in taking the works, which were defended by General G. W. Smith, with five thousand rebel troops, but they maintained their position on the Broad River, and by a later account are said to have again attacked the rebels with greater

success.

The advance of General Burbridge from Cumberland Gap to Bean Station, in East Tennessee, has caused Breckinridge to retire northward towards Western Virginia. He will, doubtless, be confirmed in his retreat by the advance of Stoneman, and will find it difficult to join Hood, if such be his purpose.

From the Army of the Potomac, there is comparatively little to chronicle. The men are made comfortable in "winter quarters," which, however, may be vacated at a moment's warning. The rebels announce that Grant is going to make an at tack at an early day.

Gregg's raid on the Weldon Railroad was preparatory to a greater movement. He moved out on Thursday, December 1st, marched to Duvall's, Rowanty, and Stony Creek Stations (the latter being the terminus of the Petersburg and Weldon Road), destroyed these stations, and numerous mills, and depots of supplies. Taking advantage of Gregg's march, General Warren, with the Fifth Corps and a portion of the Second, a strong force of artillery and a division of cavalry moved down the Jerusalem plank road, crossed the Nottoway on pontoons, and proceeded as far as the bridge over the Meherrin River, where, finding the enemy in force, he returned, having thoroughly destroyed twenty miles of the railroad, numerous station houses and bridges, and thus cut off one means and the most important of supplies for Petersburg and Richmond. On his return he burned Sussex Court-House in retaliation for the murder and mutilation of some of our stragglers; and was back in his old quarters before the rebels were sufficiently aware of his expedition to offer the slightest resistance.

Every thing remains quiet in Sheridan's Army, except an occasional raid which the rebels make upon the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.

Southern unanimity is once more seriously endangered. South Carolina is again about to secede: a series of resolutions, presented to her legislature by R. Barnwell Rhett, complains of the usurpation of the Confederate Government; declares that she is not amenable to Jefferson Davis; that he has no right to emancipate the slaves, or restrict the freedom of the press, and calls on the other States not to submit. We can only admire-her consistency.

GENERAL MEADE.

In recognition and recompense of his brilliant and faithful services, General

Meade has been appointed a major-general in the regular army, to date from the 10th of August last.

The immediate presence of the Lieutenant-General, who is commander-in-chief of all our armies, has caused the world sometimes, nay most of the time, to forget that from the crossing of the Rapidan to the present moment, General Meade has been the commander of the Army of the Potomac, its chief in every bloody battle, and has been unsparing, heroic, and self-sacrificing in his labors and service. We rejoice at this promotion; it is his due; it calls public attention to his real high position; it silences all cavils, and adds another chaplet to the crown whose laurels were plucked at Gettysburg.

FOREIGN AND INTERNATIONAL.

Mexico is at length declared pacificated. Maximilian is a fixture. If she is satisfied with this almost bloodless submission, she deserves nothing better; we have no more sympathy to waste upon her.

The capture of the Florida, about which our President maintains a dignified silence in his message, has given rise to a correspondence between the Brazilian Secretary of State, and our Minister, General Webb. Blaming Brazil—as well as France and England-for recognizing the rebels as belligerents, our ambassador accepts the fact, and half promises restitution. The accidental destruction of the Florida-for of course it was accidental-does not complicate the question in reality, while it certainly renders any restitution we may deem it proper to make less painful to us.

An English nobleman without a title has been visiting us, and deserves public recognition and thanks. We mean Goldwin Smith, Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford. He has clearer, more practical, more philosophic views of the war and of American slavery, than any man who has written upon it.

Lord Lyons has left Washington, ostensibly on the score of his health. But the sale of his wines, horses, &c., seems to indicate no intention of return.

The application of Lord Wharncliffe to our Government to permit the distribution of the money realized by the Anglo-Rebel Bazaar, among the Southern prisoners, was made through our minister, Mr. Adams. It has called forth an able and trenchant letter from Mr. Seward. The New York Herald thus presents the correspondence:

"Lord Wharncliffe informs Mr. Adams that the Liverpool Bazaar produced about seventeen thousand pounds, and asks permission for an accredited agent to visit the military prisons within the Northern States and distribute aid to their inmates. He denies that any political aid is aimed at, or any imputation that rebel prisoners are deprived of such attentions as the ordinary rules enjoin. He says:

"The issues of the great contest will not be determined by individual suffering, be it greater or less, and you, whose family name is interwoven with American history, cannot view with indifference the sufferings of American citizens, whatever their State or opinions.'

"Mr. Adams replied that it has never been the desire of the Government to treat with unnecessary or vindictive severity any of the misguided individual parties in this deplorable rebellion who have fallen into its hands in the regular course of the war, and that he should greatly rejoice if the effects of such sympathy could be extended to ministering to their mental ailment as well as their bodily suffering, thus contributing to put an end to a struggle which otherwise is too likely to be only procrastinated by their English sympathizers.

VOL. III.-6

"Mr. Seward replies as follows to the application received through Mr. Adams:

แ

"DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, Dec. 5, 1864.

"SIR-I have received your dispatch of the 18th of November, No. 807, together with the papers therein mentioned, viz., a copy of a letter which was addressed to you on the 12th of November last by Lord Wharncliffe, and a copy of your answer to that letter. You will now inform Lord Wharncliffe that permission for an agent of the committee described by him to visit the insurgents detained in the military prisons of the United States, and to distribute among them seventeen thousand pounds of British gold, is disallowed. Here it is expected that your correspondence with Lord Wharncliffe will end. That correspondence will necessarily become public. On reading it, the American public will be well aware that while the United States have ample means for the support of prisoners as well as for every other exigency of the war in which they are engaged, the insurgents who have blindly rushed into that condition, are suffering no privations that appeal for relief to charity, either at home or abroad. The American people will be likely to reflect that the sum thus insidiously tendered in the name of humanity, constitutes no large portion of the profits which its contributors may be justly supposed to have derived from the insurgents, by exchanging with them arms and munitions of war for the coveted productions of immoral and enervating slave labor. Nor will any portion of the American people be disposed to regard the sum thus ostentatiously offered for the relief of captured insurgents, as a too generous equivalent for the devastation and dissolution which a civil war, promoted and protracted by British subjects, has spread throughout the States, which before were eminently prosperous and happy. Finally, in view of this last officious intervention in our domestic affairs, the American people can hardly fail to recall the warning of the Father of our Country, directed against two great and intimately connected public dangers, namely, sectional faction and foreign intrigue. I do not think the insurgents have become debased, although they have sadly wandered from the ways of loyalty and patriotism. I think that, in common with all our countrymen, they will rejoice in being saved by their considerate and loyal Government from the grave insult which Lord Wharncliffe and his associates, in their zeal for the overthrow of the United States, have prepared for the victims of this unnatural and hopeless rebellion. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

CORRESPONDENCE.

A NEW GUN.

"WILLIAM H. SEWARD.'"

[Translated from the "Militär Zeitung."]

THE Darmstadt "Universal Military Journal" contained in the first number of the current volume a correspondence dated New York, that stated, at some expense of words, that the Parrott gun, which has proved so excellent at the bombardment of Fort Sumter and on several other occasions, was not an original idea, but an invention of Mr. Lindner, and that the merits of that gentleman, who through his inventions was about to reform, or rather had already reformed the whole system of artillery, had never been recognized or rewarded as they deserved. We might doubt whether this letter was really written in New York, though the humbug might require the acknowledgment of a Barnum himself.

Even though the "Military Journal" should publish the communications sent to it, without entering into a strict investigation of their truth and justice, yet it is scarcely to be blamed therefor, since there is not always time for such investiga. tions, and in a case like the present, where the subject in question was one almost