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service of his slave, if he is a loyal and true man,

and has done his duty in the emergency. I certainly would not vote for such a proposition."

Mr. King, in reply said:

"When we take a slave to serve the country in this emergency, my own opinion is, that he should be made free, whether he belongs to a rebel or not. I should like to have a division on this amendment, so as to have an opportunity to record my vote upon it. It is so plain a proposition, that it does not need any discussion."

Mr. Browning, of Illinois, moved to amend so that the mother, wife, and children of the slave fighting for the country, should be free, only in those cases where they were owned by rebels. This proposition received in the United States Senate, 17 votes. Rough and blunt James Lane,

Senator from Kansas, said:

"After this war is over, a soldier, perhaps covered with scars, his mother, wife and children around him, having escaped, or their masters escaped from them, are in Washington City. I say that the Government that would restore that mother, that wife and those children to slavery, after that father and husband has been covered with wounds in defence of the country, deserves to be damned. God himself would turn his face against a Government that would commit a crime like that. Let me tell the Senator from Illinois, the bill provides that if the mother, wife and children, belong to a loyal person, he is to get remuneration from the Government, as the Senator or I would for our property. I deny that this Government cannot take the slaves of the loyal and disloyal, and that they are estopped from making any use of them that they choose for the suppression of this rebellion; and having made use of them, I say it would be a crime before God to return them to slavery."

Senators Sherman, and Browning, and all who voted for these amendments, have lived, I think, to blush for these votes, and wish that the record could be obliterated.

Senator Howard, of Michigan, said:

"I do not care how lowly, how humble, how degraded a negro may be, if he takes his musket or any other implement of war, and risks

his life to defend me, my countrymen, my family, my Government, my property, my liberties, my rights, against any foe, foreign or domestic, it is my duty under God, it is my duty as a man, as a lover of justice, to see to it that he shall be free."

Senator Wilson called attention to the fact, that while thousands of negroes would have gladly sought refuge in the lines of our armies, and labored for low wages, they were repelled; and that thousands and thousands of the young men of New England, and the North, had been broken down by the labor of the spade in ditching and entrenching, which labor the fugitive slave would gladly have relieved them from.

The bill finally passed, giving freedom to all who should perform military service, but restricting liberty to the families of such only as belonged to rebel masters.

The bill passed the House on the 16th of July, 1862, and on the 17th, it received the sanction of the President, and became a law.

The measure thus sanctioned by Congress was the inauguration of a system which resulted in bringing into the service of the United States, 186,057 soldiers, nearly two hundred thousand! The loss by wounds, disease, and all causes, of the negro soldiers during the war, was sixty-eight thousand one hundred and seventy-eight. This was the contribution of the negro towards the preservation of the Union, and the acquisition of liberty for his race!

The good, faithful, and just Lincoln said, in this connection:

Negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us, if we will do nothing for them. If they stake their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest of motives, even the promise of freedom. And the promise being made must be kept." The 'job' of saving the Nation, was a great National one, and let none be slighted who bore an honorable part in it. There are some negroes living who can remember, and the children of some who are dead, who will not forget, that some black men with steady eye and well poised bayonet, helped mankind to save liberty in America."

This measure was as important and effective in aiding in the overthrow of slavery, as in crushing armed resistance to the Union. To the accomplishment of both of these great objects, the President was anxiously but cautiously looking. Measures were immediately taken to enroll negro soldiers as well in the rebel territory, as in the border and free States, and this was a powerful agency in redeeming Maryland, Missouri, and Tennessee, from the curse of slavery.

CHAPTER XII.

CONFISCATION AND EMANCIPATION.

BILL TO CONFISCATE THE PROPERTY AND EMANCIPATE THE SLAVES OF REBELS-ACTION OF THE SENATE OF THE HOUSE-SPEECH OF CRITTENDEN-REPLY OF LOVEJOY-WADE, OF OHIOSEDGWICK-PASSAGE OF THE BILL-JOINT RESOLUTION ExPLANATORY THEREOF-PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE-ELLIOTT'S EMANCIPATION RESOLUTION-PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE RECOMMENDING GRADUAL AND COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION-HUNTER'S ORDER FREEING SLAVES IN SOUTH CAROLINA, ETC.-LINCOLN DECLARES IT UNAUTHORIZED HIS ADDRESS TO BORDER State Delegation IN CONGRESS.

ΟΝ

N the 16th of July, 1861, Senator Pomeroy, introduced a bill into the Senate, "To suppress the slaveholder's rebellion." This bill abolished slavery in the seceding states. It was a measure too bold and decided for that session, but time and war soon effected, what this bill sought to accomplish. Various propositions were introduced at the regular session for the purpose of giving freedom to the slaves of rebels.

Senator Trumbull, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, on the 5th of December, introduced a bill which provided, that the slaves of persons who should take up arms against the United States, or in any manner aid or abet the rebellion, should be discharged from service and labor, and become forever free, any law to the contrary notwithstanding. The measure was zealously advocated by Senators Morrill, Sumner, Wade, Wilmot, and others, and opposed by Senators Davis, Powell, Wiley and others. Finally, after a long discussion, the bill and the various amendments were referred to a committee of nine, with instructions to report as early as possible. This committee, through its Chairman, Mr.

Clark, of New Hampshire, reported a substitute for the various bills and amendments which had been introduced. This substitute provided, in substance-First, That at any time. after the passage of the act, the President might issue his proclamation, proclaiming the slaves of persons found thirty days after the issuing of the proclamation in arms against the Government, free, any law or custom to the contrary notwithstanding-Second, That no slave escaping from his master should be given up, unless the claimant should establish by proof that he had given no aid to the rebellion, and, Third, That the President should be authorized to employ persons of African descent for the suppression of the rebellion. This last clause illustrates the strength of the still lingering influence of slavery, as though a law of Congress was necessary to enable the President to employ persons of African descent to suppress the rebellion! The whole people, black as well as white, were subject to the call of the President for the preservation of the Government.

Strange that any should dream that the master's claim to service, and especially a rebel master's claim, could stand in the way of the Government's claim for service as a soldier. The Government could, forsooth, take the son from the father, but not the slave from the master! If the persons held to service were property, the Government could take it for the public and use it for its self preservation. If persons, then they were subject to call for military services.

Various propositions to effect purposes of confiscation and emancipation, were introduced into the House. The subject was debated in various forms during the Winter and Spring of 1862, and finally, on the 8th of April, the whole subject was referred to a Select Committee of nine, to report on the various propositions pending.

Perhaps one of the most interesting passages in the whole. debate was that which occurred between Mr. Crittenden, the grey haired, venerable member from Kentucky, and Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois. Crittenden was the head of a leading and influential slaveholding family of his State, and had been the successor of Henry Clay, as the leader of the old Whig party of Kentucky. An able and eloquent man, his

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