John C. Fremont was abroad, at Paris, at the breaking out of the rebellion. This ardent soldier, whose adventures, in tracing a route across the Continent for the Pacific Railway, had given him the name of the "Path-finder," had long been the object of romantic admiration, on the part of the American people. He had been the candidate of the Republicans for the Presidency in 1856, and he was, for a time, a popular idol among a large portion of the people. He hastened home and offered his sword to the Government. He was immediately appointed a Major General, and given command of the Western Department, embracing Missouri and a part of Kentucky. On the 31st of August, he issued an order declaring martial law throughout the State of Missouri, and declaring that the property, real and personal, of all persons in that State, who should take up arms against the United States, or who should be proved to have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, "is declared confiscated to the public use, and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared free."

At this time, the contest in Kentucky, between the traitors and Unionists, was of doubtful result. The order went far beyond the act of Congress, which, up to this time, freed such slaves only as were used for insurrectionary purposes, or in aid of the rebellion. It was not in accordance with the instructions of the Secretary of War. It was clearly competent for the President, under the war power, and independent of the act of Congress, to issue such an order; but he was not prepared as yet to take such a step, and it was more proper, when taken, that it should emanate from the President, as the Commander-in-Chief, than from a subordinate, and apply, generally, throughout the States in rebellion. The order, however, was hailed with enthusiastic delight by impulsive and ardent patriots throughout the Union. Even the New York Herald approved it. But it tended seriously to embarrass the Executive, in his efforts to retain Maryland and Kentucky in the Union. The spirit in which it was received in Kentucky, appears from a letter of Hon. Joseph Holt to the President. After pointing out the violation of the act of Congress, he says:

"You may judge of the alarm and condemnation with which the Union loving citizens of Kentucky have received this proclamation. The hope is earnestly indulged by them, as it is by myself, that this paper was issued under the pressure of military necessity, which General Fremont believed justified the step; but that in the particulars specified, it has not your approbation, and will not be enforced in derogation of law. The magnitude of the interest at stake, and my extreme desire that by no misapprehension of your sentiments or purposes, shall the power and fervor of the loyalty of Kentucky be at this moment abated or chilled, must be my apology for the frankness with which I have addressed you, and for the request I venture to make, of an expression of your views upon the points of General Fremont's proclamation, on which I have commented.

The President, after mature deliberation, requested General Fremont to modify this order; but on the General's expressing a preferenee that the President should himself do so, Mr. Lincoln issued an order, modifying the proclamation of Fremont so far as to make it conform to the act of Congress.

Even this modification subjected the President to much censure; but his own explanation of his modification of this order contains a complete vindication of his conduct. He

says:

When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not think it an indispensable necessity. When a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected,because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest, and successive appeals to the border States, to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation, and arming the blacks, would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hands upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss, but of this I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military force - no loss by it anyhow or anywhere. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no caviling. We have the men, and we could not have had them without the measure.

And now, let any Union man who complains of this measure, test himself by writing down in one line, that he is for subduing the rebellion by force of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking these one hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be best for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, it is only because he cannot

face the truth.

I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly, that events have controlled me. Now, at the end of three years' struggle, the Nation's condition is not what either party or any man desired or expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein new causes to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God.

From this time, strenuous efforts were being constantly made to induce the President to abandon what was called the "border State policy," and to proclaim universal emancipation of all the slaves, and also to arm and employ them as soldiers against the rebellion.

A step towards this policy, and another step towards emancipation was taken October 14, 1861, by the orders issued by General Cameron, as Secretary of War, to General Sherman, then about to assume cominand in South Carolina.

The following extract shows its character:

You will however, in general, avail yourself of the services of any persons, whether fugitives from labor or not,who may offer themselves to the National Government. You will employ such persons in such services as they may be fitted for, either as ordinary employees, or, if. "special" [the word special Interlined by President Lincoln, and in his own handwriting,] circumstances seem to require it, in any other capacity, with such organization in squads, companies or otherwise, as you may deem most beneficial to the service. ["This however not to mean a general arming of them for military service."*] You will assure all loyal masters, that Congress will provide just compensation to them for the loss of the services of the persons so employed. And you will assure all persons held to involuntary labor, who may be thus received into the service of the Government, that they will, under no circumstances, be again reduced to their former condition, unless at the expiration of their respective terms of service, they freely choose to return to the service of their former masters.

It is believed that the course thus indicated, will best secure the substantial rights of loyal masters, and the proper benefits to the United States, of the services of all disposed to support the Government, while it will avoid all interference with the social systems or local institutions of every State, beyond that which insurrection makes unavoidable, and which a restoration of peaceful relations to the Union under the Constitution, will immediately remove.†

This was the first authority conferred upon any commander to avail himself of the services of fugitives from labor, and authorizing their organization into "squads, companies or otherwise, as might be most beneficial to the service."

* This sentence interlined by the President.

Taken from the original draft, with the President's interlineation, in possession of Mr. Cameron.

It was the inauguration of the policy of arming the colored men, and was a most memorable event in the progress of that history, which placed nearly two hundred thousand colored men in the service of the United States. The sensitiveness of the public mind appears by the peculiar terms of the order, and especially by the words interlined by President Lincoln, qualifying the order, and disclaiming the idea that this was to "mean a general arming of them for military service." It undoubtedly was the meaning and intention of the Secretary of War, except for such qualification, that there should be a general arming for military service, as private orders were given by General Cameron to General Sherman, to take with him to South Carolina ten thousand extra muskets. The execution of this order necessarily involved emancipation. It was submitted to the President, and received his careful consideration and deliberate sanction, and it was peculiarly appropriate that as the rebellion had its origin in South Carolina, the policy of emancipation should be inaugurated there.

In the meantime, what had been the progress of the Union arms? The disastrous battle of Bull Run occurred on the 21st of July. The administration, as has been stated, manifested the utmost vigor in reorganizing and enlarging the

armies.

It now adopted the policy of placing at the head of the armies, young, ambitious and active men, and those who fully possessed the confidence of the people.

On the 25th of July, General Fremont had assumed command of the Department of the West. General N. P. Banks reached Harpers' Ferry, relieving General Patterson, by whose tardy movements, General Johnson was enabled to reinforce Beauregard on the battle-field of Bull Run, and snatch victory from McDowell; and on that day, General George B. McClellan assumed command of the Army of the Potomac.

The command in West Virginia was given to General Rosecrans, who had gained distinguished reputation at Rich Mountain.

For the next ensuing three months, the greatest activity prevailed, in organizing the Army of the Potomac. In the

Autumn, it had reached fully 200,000 men. Previous to the arrival of General Fremont in Missouri, the Union force had, under the gallant leadership of Generals Lyon and Sigel, greatly aided by the boldness, activity and prompt decision of Colonel Frank P. Blair, Jr., maintained the ascendency of the Union cause, and driven the rebels far towards the Southwest. The heroic Lyon fell at the battle of Wilson's Creek, while bravely leading a charge, and his loss to the Union cause was irreparable. More than any other, at that early day, he seems to have appreciated the magnitude of the rebellion. His action in Missouri was, from the first, prompt and bold. Modest, brave, rapid and decided, he left few equals. He ought to have been better supported. General Franz Sigel, a gallant German soldier, rallied the Germans of St. Louis, organized them into regiments, and rendered efficient service in maintaining in Missouri the Union supremacy.

It will be remembered that citizens of Illinois, scarcely waiting the action of the Government, had, on the opening of hostilities, promptly seized and held the very important strategic point of Cairo. This is the termination of the Illinois Central Railroad, at the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and is the key to the navigation of both. Such occupation was not too soon. Here began to be concentrated a very considerable force, and here came, very soon, the regiments of Colonels U. S. Grant, John A. McClernand, Palmer, B. M. Prentiss, Richard J. Oglesby, Paine, Wallace and others, whose names emblazon the records of Illinois. Commodore A. H. Foot, in August, assumed command of the naval forces being organized on the Western waters. The insurgent General Sterling Price, Governor Jackson, and Ben. McCullough, of Texas, were very actively engaged in movements to overrun and hold Missouri. On the 12th of September, Price attacked, with overwhelming numbers, the heroic Colonel Mulligan at Lexington, and notwithstanding a most gallant defense, compelled his surrender. As Fremont, in command in Missouri, was pursuing Price with a confident belief of overtaking and crushing him, he was, on the 2d day of November, relieved