are social and industrial organizations that assist in raising the individual's standard of himself. The legal advancement is less marked, though it includes such measures as habitual criminal acts, parole laws, indeterminate sentence, juvenile courts, child labor laws, and many others. All these are within the domain of practical criminal sociology, for they constitute agencies for the prevention of crime. These represent a few of the progressive measures that characterize American criminal sociology.

Unfortunately, however, this does not apply to the whole United States. Only the North sustains theories worthy of the name criminal sociology, and only the North has adopted the reformatory idea. In any study of American criminality the South must be considered, for a large percentage of the criminal class is found in these States. The South is still in the age of revenge and punishment. Its system is neither systematic nor scientific. This is true for the following reasons: Its criminal class is largely negro. The problem of white criminality is a small one. While the penitentiaries contain negro women, there are rarely white women, and at most but two or three. The proportion of the white male criminals is larger. The South has been handicapped financially and industrially since the war, and is just turning its attention to this most abject and helpless element of its population. The institutions in the North are much older. Before the war, the South had but few penal institutions. The criminal, then as now, was the negro; and as a slave he was chastised or despatched by his master as the nature of his crime demanded. The few whites were confined in jails or county prisons. The previous condition of the negro as a slave makes the progress of the reformatory idea exceedingly slow, for it must grow with the conception of the negro as a man.

The current opinion in the South is that the negro is incapable of reform. In Alabama and Georgia county reformatories are being established, and New Orleans is struggling to obtain one. In those already existing, much labor and little instruction are the practise. Most of the advancement seen in

Northern penal systems and laws is unknown. Many of the people are hostile to the reformatory idea, for the basis of the Southern system is financial. A successful prison administration is judged by the amount of net revenue to the State. There are no Southern organizations for the study of criminality, and no State bureaus of charity. In fact, one State often does not know the system of its neighbor. These conditions are fatal to the application of any scientific measures, and preclude the study of the causes of crime. So long as a State's criminals bring it a net revenue of from $30,000 to $150,000 a year, it is difficult to introduce methods leading to reform and to the decrease of crime.

IN THE ARENA for March, 1900, I presented the most important conclusions of European investigators. These conclusions are only applicable to the country whence the facts underlying them were obtained. This rule has not been adhered to, and they have been adopted broadcast. The United States does not resemble these countries sufficiently to warrant their adoption. It must have its own facts because of its heterogeneous population, nature of soil, climate, government, and industrial and economic conditions. It presents problems that can be solved only by studies within its borders, not by the importation of facts and theories. These may be of suggestive value, but they do not furnish an accurate basis for philanthropy and legislation. The data must be its own. The European investigators assert that there is a criminal type; that criminals differ from normal individuals and constitute a class having common social, physical, and mental characteristics. The problem of the causes of crime resolves itself into one of heredity and environment. It is a very large and important part of these causes to determine the relative influence of these two, for upon it depends much of the nature of penal laws and reforms. Thus habitual-criminal acts recognize the physical basis of the crime; parole laws recognize the influence of environment. In reformatories, corporal punishment and emphasis upon labor attest a stronger belief in heredity than does a more humane system, with more moral and mental instruction. In philan

thropy, the establishment of homes, as in New York and Chicago, where criminals can obtain work, is the result of the ascertained social fact that more than two-thirds of all criminals are unemployed when arrested.

As a result of these European investigations, the tendency has been to overestimate heredity and ignore environment. These theories are founded upon measurements of the criminal and normal classes in various European countries, chiefly Russia, Italy, and France. So far as the United States has adopted these theories, it has also adopted the facts. A chief defect of the European investigations is the small number of normal individuals measured, and the fact that they are not a representative normal class. They consist largely of the lower classes found in hospitals. A study in heredity and environment involves measurements for four classes: The criminal class, the normal class of the same grade from which criminals come, a representative normal class in the community, and the criminals of high grade. This last class represents but a small proportion of incarcerated criminals, and the problem of the United States is chiefly with the larger mass incarcerated and with the population furnishing this number. This leaves three essential classes. My investigation has included the measurement of 55 students, representing the normal class. This is a high average normal class, but it must be so selected as not to encroach upon the industrial and laboring classes that furnish the mass of criminals.

Last summer, in Northern institutions, 61 criminals were measured; and this spring, in the institutions of eight Southern States, 90 negro criminals were measured. This is the beginning of efforts to secure data for comparison of the criminal and normal classes. The measurement of the classes from which the criminals come is most essential, but is also most difficult, and has not yet been undertaken. Measurements of students are in progress during the university year-these to include measurements of the negro students at Tuskegee. This last will permit a comparison between negro and white studentsand of the negro criminal and negro student. Results are given

at this stage of the investigation, not to demonstrate theories and conclusions, but rather to show the nature of the investigation, its scope, and the tendencies it reveals; also to arouse interest and coöperation in an investigation that will make possible the adoption of humane and reformatory measures, more judicious philanthropy, and wiser legislation. Thus far the measurements have been of women, though social and penal institutions have been studied with reference to both sexes.

It is the facts relating to negro criminals and Southern institutions that I wish to present here, together with such comparisons as are possible with Northern white criminals and institutions. These Southern institutions include the States of Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia. The data fall under four distinct heads: (1) The negro in the South: socially, economically, politically, educationally, and morally— all with reference to criminality. This includes a study of the Southern white man's attitude, and the position of the negro woman and child. (2) State penal systems: general statement, excellencies and defects in the various State systems, laws, and courts, and county and municipal conditions. The facts for these two divisions apply equally to men and women. (3) Measurements and tests of women in the State penal institutions. The former include: weight, height, and strength of chest and hand grasps; 14 measurements of the face, ears, and head; length of fingers, thumbs, and hands; girths of various parts of the body, and foot imprints, besides nervous observations. The latter included tests of sight, hearing, touch, smell, taste, pain; of memory, association of ideas, precision, assortment, nerve tracing, fatigue tests, and respiration curves. (4) A study of the environment of each criminal, including data regarding the following facts: education of criminal and parents, religion, morality, reading, parents, home, associates, games, occupation, temptations, amusements, diseases, habits, family, superstitions, wishes, and civil condition and facts relating to it. The criminals are divided into two classes, according to the crime, being offenders against property and offenders

against person. The former includes arson and all forms of theft; the latter infanticide, homicide, and assault. European investigators make each crime a division, but my results show only small differences for the two distinct classes, and do not warrant a finer analysis. The measurements in the third division are taken to ascertain (1) if the negro criminal differs structurally from the normal negro and the white criminal; and (2) if through psychological tests mental and moral defects can be ascertained.

Assertions have been made that the criminal is defective and degenerate. Thus far few tests have been made to prove this. Structural anomalies have no value to the practical penologist or to the State, unless they influence the cause of continuance of crime. Anomalies in functioning are more closely related to abnormality, and these may or may not depend upon structural defects. It is of no practical significance if an individual possesses asymmetries, high cheek-bones, or heavy jaw, unless they influence his response to social stimuli. These characteristics often exist in normal individuals and are not subject to comment, unless some prominent act identifies them. Psychological tests touch a more fundamental condition. If there are defects of sight, hearing, or touch; if there is limited reason, imagination, mental capacity, memory, or if the normal sense is obtuse, there will be less successful functioning. Hence, tests that determine these are essential in supplementing the anthropometrical work. Most investigations have been confined to the latter and are correspondingly inadequate and misleading. Completing the data of both of these must be such a presentation of social facts as will throw light upon the influences of heredity and environment. These social facts are ascertained by asking questions, and wherever possible they are verified by visits to the homes and haunts of the criminal and through statements of relatives and associates and officers. The negroes' answers are more trustworthy than those of the white criminal class, because they are less suspicious and believe they will benefit rather than lose by them. In some instances there were pathetic attempts to give the right details. These facts must