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ity. In that document he expresses himself as strongly in favor of "the establishment of a free and independent government" (in Cuba). And immediately after he is "glad" of the passage by Congress of an "act" the enforcement of which by him would make Cuba dependent and helpless in the grasp of the United States.

The Chicago Times-Herald, a very strong Republican paper, calls this "mockery," and says that "it is inconceivable how the President reconciles his utterances." But he does not, and cannot, reconcile them, and it required "oak and triple brass" to make such contradictory utterances in the face of the civilized world.

So far as the Philippines and Cuba are concerned, the empire, begun by the Commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in those islands, has been sanctioned and sustained by Congress and inaugurated with imperial magnificence.

The Central Christian Advocate said last February: “The inauguration this year will afford another perfectly magnificent opportunity to spend the people's money. And it looks as if the money were to be paid out, not in spoonfuls or ladlefuls. but by the shovelful. But we confess that we tremble at this barbaric display of money in this government of the people, by the people, and for the people." To which it may be answered that "this barbaric display" arises from the fact that at present this is not a government by the people, but by a rich and powerful oligarchy, through whose hands we are passing from the economy of a republic to the extravagance and corruption of an empire.

It is said that the inaugural ball alone caused the waste of at least twenty, and perhaps of forty, times as much money as was dissipated in the most splendid and extravagant entertainments of Lucullus, and that the entire cost of the inauguration amounted to millions. The economy and simplicity of a government by the people do not suit the exalted taste and temper of those who now govern this country; and the late magnificent inauguration, following so much successful usurpation, is a sure harbinger of the coming home of the

empire and its establishment here as well. as abroad, unless its progress be arrested by the people.

Do the people see and realize the danger? And if so, do they desire and intend to arrest the progress of the imperial forces? SAMUEL C. PARKS..

Kansas City, Mo.

THE NATIONAL SOCIAL AND POLITICAL
CONFERENCE.

THE

HE Americans as a nation have two great contrasting and often supposedly opposite characteristics. They love order and the sharp, efficient, executive direction of an enterprise which is one of the requisites of success and progress. But deeper than their love of this centralizing business quality is their desire for freedom and equality. They believe in the opportunity of every individual to develop as he sees fit or is fit. The latter quality is the more fundamental and important; the former the more superficial and apparently dominant. These two qualities, order and freedom, execution and equality, are not necessarily opposed, but they are often made to appear so. Thus in the campaign of last fall the Republicans in their foreign policy appealed to the first, the American love of order and execution, and the Democrats to the latter, the sentiment of freedom and equality. The Republicans won because the American people felt that order and progress were needed abroad, and they could not now see that liberty and equal opportunity were as yet seriously jeopardized. The contrast between these two great American qualities was then strongly brought out.

To some few people it seems as if these two qualities were directly opposite, but they are not; and when they are united they produce the American composite of order with liberty, of progress with equal opportunity, which satisfies every true American. Perhaps no meeting of recent times has so united these qualities as the First National Social and Political Conference held at Buffalo, N. Y., from June 27th to July 4th, 1899. Its inception, management, and method were executive, almost to the verge of being autocratic. The spirit of its management, the courtesy of those attending, the living thought in the resolutions and addresses, breathed the broadest. freedom and brotherhood.

Here is the plan of the Detroit Conference. Notice two things about it-its freedom and flexibility and the fact that there are to be no long speeches, but many short ones from the floor. Usually one or two address and the rest listen. This is to be a conference of the many-the usually silent many.

Like the Buffalo Conference of 1899, this Conference will be held for the five week-days preceding the Fourth of July, 1901. On the intervening Sunday, meetings arranged by the local committee and announced at the time will be held in the churches of Detroit. On July 4th, patriotic meetings arranged by the city authorities and a local committee will be addressed by attendants at the Conference. The Sunday and Fourth of July meetings are outside of the program committee's work.

The general plan of the Conference will be the same as the Buffalo Conference of 1899. The program for the first three days, Friday, Saturday, and Monday, will be arranged by the program committee, and they will appoint the chairman and fix the rules. On the afternoon of the third day, Monday, group meetings will be held at which speakers will be chosen for the fourth day, Tuesday. This is one of the most successful features of the Buffalo Convention. Any person or persons can call a group meeting on any social or political subject, and the group so called together will choose their speaker, who with the discussion to follow his address will be allotted time on the fourth day, Tuesday, in proportion to the size of his group. On the fifth day, Wednesday, when the members of the Conference have become fully acquainted, the Conference will choose its own chairman and secretary, adopt its own rules, fix its own order of business, and pass such resolutions as it sees fit. A resolution committee, to which all resolutions will be referred, will be nominated in the morning and elected by proportional representation in the evening of the third day, and they will report on the last day. Such other resolutions as the members see fit may also be introduced on the last day for action. Previous to the last day, no motions will be entertained or action taken by the Conference.

This is a Conference, and in passing motions and taking

action on the last day it is distinctly understood that no member is bound by a majority vote; and on any disputed motion or resolution the number voting yea and nay shall be counted and published with the resolution.

The meetings will open and close exactly on time. Each subject will be opened by an address of from ten to twenty minutes, according to the length of time allotted to that subject. Should the subject be one that admits of debate, it will be opened by two persons, one for and one against. After the opening, any one from the floor can speak for not more than five minutes; and where the time is short and many want to speak the time limit will be three minutes. The only other rules for all speakers are brevity, pertinence, courtesy. No personalities will be allowed. Every effort will be made to secure opening speakers of note and ability.

There will be two meetings each day: in the morning from 9.30 A.M. to 12.30 P.M. and in the evening from 7.30 to 10.30 P.M., save on the last day, Wednesday, when in the absence of different determination by the Conference there will be no regular evening meeting, but instead an afternoon meeting from 2.30 to 5.30. On the afternoon of the first day, there will be an "acquaintance gathering" in the hall. The afternoon of the third day, Monday, will be filled with group meetings to choose speakers for the fourth day. Other afternoons and the evening of the last day are open for any meetings that any one wishes to arrange. These extra meetings will be announced by the secretary upon notice handed to him, and, if arranged in time, published in the final program.

The National Direct Legislation League have called a meeting at Detroit of the advocates of Direct Legislation for the day before the Conference, June 27. Attendants at the Conference are invited to this meeting. It is probable that the National Good Government League may call a meeting at Detroit either just before or just after the Conference meetings. It is also probable that the Gull Lake Summer School of Economics will begin its sessions immediately at the close of the Conference, at Gull Lake, a few hours' ride from Detroit.

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