republicans, and were carrying into the dominant new Democratic party principles which were the outbirth of former struggles, and perhaps were now necessities of the times and the social structure of the country.

Where form and strength were lost under Mr. Jefferson, they were gradually restored under his successors, any one of whom fifty years afterwards would not hesitate in the exercise of powers which the old Federal organizers, with all their so-styled disposition towards monarchy, approached with caution, or did not even venture to deem advisable at all.

However Mr. Jefferson wrote, talked, and theorized at times, in important matters of practice he showed no inclination to degrade the Government nor the Administration; and, until the time of Andrew Jackson, from the organization of the Government in 1789, no President had been more ready to exercise power, or to relinquish it, nor did actually wield it more determinedly and extensively when it suited him to do so than did Mr. Jefferson.

Between the old Washingtonian Federalists and the early Anti-Federalists (among whom Mr. Jefferson would not allow himself to be classed), the case is clearly made, the wonderful history establishing the grade of statesmanship as emphatically as between modern Unionists and Secessionists. The progress of a century allows no appeal in the one case from this inevitable logic. A hundred years of experience of the Republic has confirmed in innumerable ways, in the unbounded national prosperity and social advancement and happiness of the American People, the virtue of the Federalist principles of Washington from which Mr. Jefferson had no desire to depart.

A

CHAPTER XXXIV.

SAYINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.

S for admiration, I am sure the man who powders most, perfumes most, embroiders most, and talks most nonsense, is most admired.

Perfect happiness, I believe, was never intended by the Deity to be the lot of one of his creatures in this world; but that he has very much put in our power the nearness of our approaches to it, is what I have steadfastly believed.

That one hundred and fifty lawyers should do business together, ought not to be expected.

It produces great praise to a lady to spell well.

Be you from the moment you rise till you go to bed, as cleanly and properly dressed as at the hours of dinner or tea.

A lady who has been seen as a sloven or slut in the morning, will never efface the impression she has made with all the dress and pageantry she can involve herself in.

It appears to me, then, that an American coming to Europe for education, loses in his knowledge, in his morals, in his health, in his habits, and in his happiness.

I am of the opinion that there never was an instance of a man's writing or speaking his native tongue

with elegance who passed from fifteen to twenty years of age out of the country where it was spoken.

Give up money, give up fame, give up science, give the earth itself and all it contains rather than do an immoral act.

Whenever you are to do any thing, though it can never be known but to yourself, ask yourself how you would act were all the world looking at you, and act accordingly.

From the practice of the purest virtue, you may be assured you will derive the most sublime comforts in every moment of life, and in the moment of death.

Though you can not see, when you take one step, what will be the next, yet follow truth, justice, and plain-dealing, and never fear their leading you out of the labyrinth in the nearest manner possible.

An honest heart being the first blessing, a knowing head is the second.

There is no vice so mean, so pitiful, so contemptible, and he who permits himself to tell a lie once, finds it much easier to do it a second and a third time, till at last it becomes habitual; he tells lies without attending to it, and truths without the world's believing him.

But it is not by the consolidation, or concentration of powers, but by their distribution, that good government is effected.

They (the Judges) are then, in fact, the corps of sappers and miners, steadily working to undermine the independent rights of the States, and to consolidate all power in the hands of that government in which they have so important a freehold estate.

Nothing is so mistaken as the supposition that a person is to extricate himself from a difficulty by intrigue, by chicanery, by dissimulation, by trimming, by untruth, by injustice.

I would rather be exposed to the inconveniencies attending too much liberty than those attending too small a degree of it.

Yet it is easy to foresee, from the nature of things, that the encroachments of the State governments will tend to an excess of liberty which will correct itself, while those of the General Government will tend to monarchy, which will fortify itself from day to day.

If all the sovereigns of Europe were to set themselves to work to emancipate the minds of their subjects from their present ignorance and prejudices, and that as zealously as they now endeavor the contrary, a thousand years would not place them on that high ground, on which our common people are now setting out.

I think by far the most important bill in our whole code is that for the diffusion of knowledge among the people.

Of all the cankers of human happiness, none corrodes with so silent, yet so baneful a tooth as indolence.

No laborious person was ever yet hysterical.

Idleness begets ennui, ennui the hypochondria, and that a diseased body.

Exercise and application produce order in our affairs, health of body, cheerfulness of mind, and these make us precious to our friends.

Responsibility is a tremendous engine in a free government.

Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate than that these people (the slaves) are to be free.

When we see ourselves in a situation which must be endured and gone through, it is best to make up our minds to it, meet it with firmness, and accommodate every thing to it in the best way practicable.

The errors and misfortunes of others should be a school for our own instruction.

Harmony in the marriage state is the very first object to be aimed at.

Nothing can preserve affections uninterrupted but a firm resolution never to differ in will, and a determination in each to consider the love of the other as of more value than any object whatever on which a wish. had been fixed.

How light, in fact, is the sacrifice of any other wish when weighed against the affections of one with whom we are to pass our whole life!

The article of dress is, perhaps, that in which economy is the least to be recommended.

It is so important to each to continue to please the other, that the happiness of both requires the most pointed attention to whatever may contribute to it, and the more as time makes greater inroads upon our persons.

Yet, generally, we become slovenly in proportion as personal decay requires the contrary.

All, too, will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to