many indulgences experienced at their hands. The same grateful acknowledgments are due to my fellow-citizens generally, whose support has been my great encouragement under all embarrassments. In the transaction of their business I can not have escaped error. It is incident to our imperfect nature. But I may say with truth, my errors have been of the understanding, not of intention; and that the advancement of their rights and interests has been the constant motive for every measure. On these considerations I solicit their indulgence. Looking forward with anxiety to their future destinies, I trust that, in their steady character unshaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to law, and support of the public authorities, I see a sure guaranty of the permanence of our republic; and retiring from the charge of their affairs, I carry with me the consolation of a firm persuasion that Heaven has in store for our beloved country long ages to come of prosperity and happiness.

CHAPTER XXVII.

LAST DAYS OF THE FIRST DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION_ THE RULE OF APPOINTMENTS "THE ANAS"—A PERFECT SYSTEM OF MEDICINE, YET

UNIMPROVED UPON.

UR European complications were now serious in

OUR

deed. To all appearances little was left to this country but a declaration of war against England. In June, 1807, the United States frigate Chesapeake was fired into by the British war vessel, Leopard, boarded, and four seamen, claimed by the English, taken from her. This act gave fresh impetus to the war sentiment, and created great indignation against the old enemy of the country. The Virginia militia were called out, the British fleet in the Chesapeake was denied all communication with the land, the "government" ordered the Chesapeake and other vessels to be ready to make an attack at any moment, and Mr. Jefferson at once issued a proclamation commanding all British war vessels to leave the harbors of the United States.

Amidst the difficulties gathering in the path of his Administration, Mr. Jefferson did not neglect his yearly visit to Monticello. He made no tours through the country, however, as General Washington had done, and wrote of the doubts he entertained as to such a practice, as follows:

"With respect to the tour my friends to the North have proposed that I should make in that quarter, I have not made

up a final opinion. The course of life which General Washington had run, civil and military, the services he had rendered, and the space he therefore occupied in the affections of his fellow-citizens, take from his examples the weight of precedents for others, because no others can arrogate to themselves the claims which he had on the public homage. To myself, therefore, it comes as a new question, to be viewed under all the phases it may present. I confess that I am not reconciled to the idea of a chief magistrate parading himself through the several States as an object of public gaze, and in quest of an applause which, to be valuable, should be purely voluntary. I had rather acquire silent good will by a faithful discharge of my duties, than owe expression of it to my putting myself in the way of receiving them."

Hostilities with the Indians had been renewed, and the western frontiers were in a state of turmoil; Spain was pressing her foolish fancy that this Government was concerned in the Miranda schemes against her South American Territories; and Napoleon Bonaparte, in the height of his glory, had all Europe at his feet, his weak naval force only preventing him extending his control to the Western Continent. The insolence of England and the rejection of the treaty by the home Government led Mr. Monroe to give up his mission, thoroughly dissatisfied with the treatment his efforts had received. It has been claimed that the rejection of this treaty with England finally led to the second war with that country, and that, consequently, Mr. Jefferson was responsible for it. This was, however, but one of an almost indefinite series of events which led to that war, really; and, were this charge true, who would, at the present time, say that the President did not act correctly? As there are not wanting those who are ready to find fault whichever horn of a dilemma an Executive may take, there were

then many men, including William Pinkney, the minister to England, who, at the very same time, were blaming the Administration for want of nerve and loud pretensions. The English minister, Mr. Canning, unable or unwilling to accomplish any thing in the way of a satisfactory settlement in this country, returned home in the fall of 1807.

Towards the last of October Congress convened with a greatly increased representation, there appearing but a half dozen Federalists in the Senate, and J. Q. Adams, of Massachusetts, who entered that body by Federalist votes, soon passed to the side of the Administration. In his message at this time the President recommended his embargo measure. Congress took immediate action on the requirements of the message. An embargo bill was passed, preventing vessels sailing from this country without the permission of the President; appropriations were made to enable the Executive to enlarge the fleet of gunboats, strengthen the fortifications, etc., and the President was authorized to raise seven regiments of troops, and call upon the States to have ready for immediate service, if needed, one hundred thousand militia.

On the objects and benefits of the embargo restrictions the country was divided. The bitter personal discussions which arose on this and other subjects at that time in Congress terminated, in one instance or two, in personal encounters according to the "code," which has, at various times, disgraced national politics, and, in a few instances, the character of men who laid claim to great mental, if not moral worth and bravery.

In the winter of 1807, a British agent arrived at

Washington under pretense of settling the affair of the frigate Chesapeake, but from his lack of authority or ability to take a just view of the case, as was believed on this side, his mission failed, and, in the spring of 1808, he returned to England.

Infractions of the embargo now became numerous, and the President took vigorous steps against the infringers by calling out the militia; but the governors of some of the States showed little zeal in co-operating, and the excitement against the measure increased to such an extent as to bring out again the then oftrepeated threat of dissolving the Union. New England especially claimed that the embargo was ruinous to her. Even the accession of Louisiana had started the foolish and suicidal cry in favor of separating `the country. Yet there were patriotic men at that very time who believed that the Government should take forcible occupation of Florida, and before James Monroe announced it, there were those, able and far-seeing, devoted to national perpetuity, who believed in the socalled Monroe doctrine," and among them was Mr. Jefferson, who earnestly desired that the safety of the United States might be forever secured by the absence of all European influence in the affairs of this hemisphere.

66

In January, 1808, a Democratic convention, or a caucus of Congressmen of that party, was held in the Senate chamber, and James Madison was nominated for President, and George Clinton for Vice-President. A considerable number of the Democrats did not attend this caucus, as they were opposed to Mr. MadiMonroe and Clinton each received three votes

son.

for President in this caucus.

For Vice-President,