consistent with its useful freedom. In those States where they do not admit even the truth of allegations to protect the printer, they have gone too far.

"The candor manifested in your letter, and which I ever believed you to possess, has alone inspired the desire of calling your attention, once more, to those circumstances of fact and motive by which I claim to be judged. I hope you will see these intrusions on your time to be, what they really are, proofs of my great respect for you. I tolerate with the utmost latitude the right of others to differ from me without imputing to them criminality. I know too well the weakness and uncertainty of human reason to wonder at its different results. Both of our political parties, at least the honest part of them, agree conscientiously in the same object, the public good; but they differ essentially in what they deem the means of promoting that good. One side believes it best done by one composition of the governing powers; the other, by a different one. One fears most the ignorance of the people; the other, the selfishness of the rulers independent of them. What is right time and experience will prove. We think that one side of this experiment has been long enough tried, and proved not to promote the good of the many; and that the other has not been fairly and sufficiently tried. Our opponents think the reverse. With whichever opinion the body of the nation concurs, that must prevail. My anxieties on this subject will never carry me beyond the use of fair and honorable means of truth and reason; nor have they ever lessened my esteem for moral worth, nor alienated my affections for a single friend, who did not first withdraw himself. Whenever this has happened, I confess I have not been insensible to it; yet have ever kept myself open to a return of their justice.

"I conclude with sincere prayers for your health and happiness, that yourself and Mr. Adams may long enjoy the tranquillity you desire and merit, and see in the prosperity of your family what is the consummation of the last and warmest of human wishes. THOMAS JEFFERSON."

"QUINCY, 25 October, 1804.

"SIR.-Sickness for three weeks past has prevented my acknowledging the receipt of your letter of September 11th. When I first addressed you, I little thought of entering into a correspondence with you upon subjects of a political nature. I will

not regret it, as it has led to some elucidations, and brought on some explanations, which place in a more favorable light occurrences which had wounded me.

"Having once entertained for you a respect and esteem, founded upon the character of an affectionate parent, a kind master, a candid and benevolent friend, I could not suffer different political opinions to obliterate them from my mind; I felt the truth of the observation, that the heart is long, very long in, receiving the conviction that is forced upon it by reason. It was not until circumstances concurred to place you in the light of a rewarder and encourager of a libeller, whom you could not but detest and despise, that I withdrew the esteem I had long entertained for you. Nor can you wonder, Sir, that I should consider as a personal unkindness the instances I have mentioned. I am pleased to find that which respected my son altogether unfounded. He was, as you conjecture, appointed a commissioner of bankruptcy, together with Judge Dawes, and continued to serve in it with perfect satisfaction to all parties (at least I never heard the contrary), until superseded by the appointment of others. The idea suggested that no one was in office, and consequently no removal could take place, I can not consider in any other light than what the gentlemen of the law would term a quibble, as such I pass it. Judge Dawes was continued or re-appointed, which placed Mr. Adams in a more conspicuous light as the object of personal resentment. Nor could I, upon this occasion, refrain calling to mind the last visit you made me at Washington, when, in the course of conversation, you assured me, that if it should lie in your power at any time to serve me or my family, nothing would give you more pleasure. With respect to the office, it was a small object, but the disposition of the remover was considered by me as the barbed arrow. This, however, by your declaration, is withdrawn from my mind. With the public it will remain. And here, Sir, may I be allowed to pause, and ask whether, in your ardent desire to rectify the mistakes and abuses, as you may term them, of the former Administrations, you may not be led into measures still more fatal to the Constitution, and more derogatory to your honor and independence of character? I know, from the observations which I have made, that there is not a more difficult part devolves upon a Chief Magistrate, nor one which subjects him to more reproach and censure, than the appointment to office. And all the patronage which this enviable power gives him is but a poor com

pensation for the responsibility to which it subjects him. It would be well, however, to weigh and consider characters, as it respects their moral worth and integrity. He who is not true to himself, nor just to others, seeks an office for the benfit of himself, unmindful of that of his country.

"I can not accord with you in opinion that the Constitution ever meant to withhold from the National Government the power of self-defense; or that it could be considered an infringement of the Liberty of the Press, to punish the licentiousness of it.

"Time must determine, and posterity will judge with more candor and impartiality, I hope, than the conflicting parties of our day, what measures have best promoted the happiness of the people what raised them from a state of depression and degradation to wealth, honor, and reputation; what has made them affluent at home and respected abroad; and to whomsoever the tribute is due, to them may it be given.

"I will not any further intrude upon your time; but close this correspondence by my wishes that you may be directed to that path which may terminate in the prosperity and happiness of the people over whom you are placed, by administering the government with justice and impartiality. And be assured, Sir, no one will more rejoice in your success than

"ABIGAIL ADAMS."

On the copy of this letter was found this memorandum:

"QUINCY, 19 November, 1804.

"The whole of this correspondence was begun and conducted without my knowledge or suspicion. Last evening and this morning, at the desire of Mrs. Adams, I read the whole. I have no remarks to make upon it, at this time and in this place.

“J. ADAMS.”

This correspondence left Mr. Jefferson, at least, in a very sore and unfriendly state of mind, from which he was a long time in recovering. In 1811, he told Dr. Rush that he was ready to fuse affections and old-time friendships with Mr. Adams, but not with Mrs. Adams. She was to be left severely out. He

would not even mention her name in the correspondence he was ready to begin with her husband. But he repented, and soon began to send his respects and blessings to her, and after a time renewed the interchange of letters, writing to her for the last occasion the year before her death, and signing himself hers "affectionately and respectfully."

CHAPTER XXVI.

HISTORY OF FOUR YEARS AS GIVEN BY THE EXECUTIVEMR. JEFFERSON'S LAST ANNUAL MESSAGES.

FIFTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

December 3, 1805.

TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES: At a moment when the nations of Europe are in commotion and arming against each other, and when those with whom we have principal intercourse are engaged in the general contest, and when the countenance of some of them toward our peaceable country threatens that even that may not be unaffected by what is passing on the general theatre, a meeting of the representatives of the nation in both houses of Congress has become more than usually desirable. Coming from every section of our country, they bring with them the sentiments and the information of the whole, and will be enabled to give a direction to the public affairs which the will and the wisdom of the whole will approve and support.

In taking a view of the state of our country, we in the first place notice the late affliction of two of our cities under the fatal fever which in latter times has occasionally visited our shores. Providence in his goodness gave it an early termination on this occasion, and lessened the number of victims which have usually fallen before it. In the course of the several visitations by this disease it has appeared that it is strictly local; incident to the cities and on the tide waters only; incommunicable in the country, either by persons under the disease or by goods carried from diseased places; that its access is with the autumn, and that it disappears with the early frosts. These restrictions, within narrow limits of time and space, give security even to our maritime cities during three-fourths of the year, and to the country always. Although from these facts it appears unnecessary, yet, to satisfy the fears of foreign nations, and cautions on their part not to be