Especially must we, in doing away the evils of society, respect civil government. There is no safety in any other way. Such was the uniform course of Christ and his apostles. They obeyed the government when right, and, when enjoining what God forbade, submitted to its penalty without any violent resistance. They never sought to overthrow it, but worked for their objects as well as they could under its laws. Such a course, even if it fails of its end, can seldom lead to any evil; a merit that can never be claimed for measures of violence. But the chief danger on this subject in our country, et fons et origo ma lorum, lies in our assumed right of revolution; a principle underlying in fact our whole government from its start, the claim of the people to resist and overthrow at will the government over them by violence. Now, there is no such right recognized anywhere in the Bible; and in this respect our revolution itself was a palpable violation of the gospel. This claim of the people to have their own way, either with or without the forms of law, and to change the government by violence, is the great source of mischief in a democracy like ours; and on this rock, if anywhere, we are likely to split and perish. All rebellions, and insurrections, and lynch-law in our land, have come from this principle, and all claim the sacred example of our revolutionary sires. In this claim they are right; for our fore. fathers did act on this principle, and so far, we think, were wrong. There is, on this principle, no permanent security for any government; and every rebellion or insurrection among us, from that of Shay in Massachusetts to that of Dorr in Rhode Island, has been put down only by contradicting the great example of our revolution. We have been obliged, in sheer self-preservation, to repudiate in practice the very principles on which that revolution started and triumphed. We have long thought, and the time has come to diffuse and familiarize the idea, that we are likely to need the principles of peace much more among ourselves than in our intercourse with other nations. Thus far we have in the main acted on these principles in the settlement of our domestic disputes, in our inter-state controversies; but should we, as we are now in danger of doing, substitute for these the war-principle of reliance on brute force in place of law and reason, our ruin must sooner or later be inevitable, and probably as signal as our past growth and prosperity.. We cannot now pursue the subject farther; but we have said enough to show the important bearing of our principles on domestic as well as for eign issues. They are in truth applicable to all controversies among men ; but it is our province to insist on their application only in the intercourse of nations for the settlement of all their disputes by other and better means than the sword. If every community were properly trained in these principles, there would of course be an end at once not only to war, but to rebellion. and insurrection, and lynch law, and all such raids as that of Harper's Ferry. Alas! that Christians themselves should be so slow to learn the truth, beauty and benign operation of these principles ! PEACEFUL ADJUSTMENT WITH CHINA. Every reader is aware of the unfortunate complications in which England and France have become involved with China through the failure to interchange ratifications of the treaty negotiated with so much success by Lord Elgin. There soon arose of course a blind clamor for a joint expedition to avenge the alleged insult, and compel the submission of China to such terms as the offended powers might choose to demand. In this state of the case, the friends of peace in England, ever wakeful to meet such exigences, sent, late in December last, a large deputation to lay before the Government through its Foreign Secretary, Lord John Russell, an able memorial on the subject, from which we copy a few extracts :— "It appears to your memorialists, that the mission despatched from England to exchange the ratifications of the treaty of Tien-tsin, was conducted in a spirit singularly at variance with its professed character and object as an embassy of peace. Her Majesty's Plenipotentiary, from the first moment of his arrival in China, seems to have assumed towards the Chinese authorities a tone of suspicion and menace which could hardly fail to beget mischief, refusing a conference with the Imperial Commissioners who had negotiated the treaty, although they had remained at Shanghai for that purpose, by the express request of Lord Elgin, and insisting upon violently forcing his way to Pekin, accompanied by a large naval squadron, and by a particular route, even after he had been apprized that a high officer of State had been sent by the Emperor to receive and conduct him to the capital. "It is clear from the statements of our own officers, that the hostilities which led to the disastrous repulse on the Peiho were commenced by the British Admiral, acting under the instructions of Her Majesty's representative, (Bruce); nor can it be deemed unreasonable that the Chinese authorities should resist the passage of so formidable a force into their inner waters, to convoy a professed ambassador of peace; a force which they could hardly have regarded in any other light than as a menace and an affront, adapted, if not intended, to lower the dignity of their sovereign in the estimation of his own subjects. "Your memorialists are convinced that your Lordship will lend no sanction or support to the immoral doctrine promulgated in certain quarters, that whether we were right or wrong as regards the quarrel at the Peiho, it is necessary that we should inflict summary vengeance on the Chinese in order to maintain the prestige of our arms in the East. This doctrine cannot be more forcibly denounced than in the language of indignant rebuke which your Lordship employed in addressing the House of Commons two years ago. 'If the prestige of England,' were your Lordship's words, 'is to be separated from the character, from the reputation, from the honor of this country, then I for one have no wish to maintain it. To those who argue, as I have heard some argue, it is true we have a bad case,it is true we were in the wrong,-it is true we have committed injustice,— but we must persevere in that wrong, we must continue to act unjustly, or the Chinese will think we are afraid,' I say, as has been said before, 'Be just and fear not.' "Your memorialists cannot conceal their apprehensions that large military successes in China may lead to consequences which it is impossible too strongly to dread and deprecate. The authority of the Chinese Government has been already grievously shaken by internal convulsion; and should a fresh assault from without lead, as may be justly feared, to its being sull further impaired, we may find ourselves under the same alleged necessity' of making territorial conquests in that country, which has been so often pleaded in excuse of our aggressions in India, until we have become entangled in a web of complications and responsibilities, as regards the Chinese empire, where it would be equally difficult to advance or recede without danger and dishonor." There is a great deal of significance in this last paragraph, and should the evil forewarned ever come, it would be very likely to alter the world's history for ages. The memorialists, after saying that war, if waged at all, should confessedly be undertaken only on the highest, most deliberate authority of the State, very justly complain that "it appears, by recent practice, as though individual officials in various parts of the British Empire claimed the right to exercise this awful power at their own discretion, and to commit the strength, the resources, and the reputation of England, to conflicts of indefinite extent and duration, without either the authority of the Sovereign, or the consent of Parliament." A remark how applicable to our own government, if not to every one conscious of great power, and how pregnant with far-reaching mischief! They also "deeply deplore that the power of this country, which might and should be employed in blessing mankind, by the beneficent influences of Christianity and civilization, should be so frequently exerted for the widely different purpose of carrying fire and sword, among remote and comparatively defenceless peoples, thus prolonging the reign of barbarism and brute force, and erecting formidable barriers in the way of those who are seeking to convey to the heathen the benignant blessings of the gospel, by exhibiting the Christian religion to them as too often in alliance with violence, cruelty and blood." They conclude with the request, that "instructions may be sent to our officials in China to avoid further hostilities with that country, and to adjust our relations with the Chinese Government on the principles of dignified conciliation and forbearance worthy the character of a great Christian nation." Preparations have been made for very formidable demonstrations against China jointly by England and France; but we are led by more recent advices to hope that the whole difficulty may be finally adjusted without further recourse to arms. The whole commercial world is deeply interested in such a peaceful issue, and we are glad to find that leading merchants in our own country are wisely and very properly using their influence to secure such a result. COMMERCE ACTING FOR PEACE.-Men engaged in commerce cannot perform a service more useful to the public, or to their own permanent interests, than by using their influence to avert war, or mitigate its evils. We are glad to see them turning their attention to this subject in earnes*. We find in a recent report of the Boston Board of Trade, that their Secretary had just received from a similar association at Marseilles, France, a letter covering a Memorial to the French Minister of State, asking immunity in a time of war to private persons and property, and soliciting that functionary to lay the subject before the expected European Congress. It would be well if every Board of Trade and Chamber of Commerce would take similar action on this and kindred subjects of interest to commerce, and the general cause of humanity. Commerce is the offspring and protegé of peace, and ought to concern itself in promoting the world's per manent peace. It may, if it will, do much to secure such a consummation. PEACE LABORS IN ENGLAND. We learn from the London Herald of Peace for February, just come to hand, that our English friends are earn. estly at work, and apparently with good success. The lectures of Messrs. Stokes, Richard, O'Neill and Fry, able and effective champions of the cause, we find reported in different parts of the country. They address themselves in nearly every case to live issues, practical questions about which the people are now thinking, and on which the speaker asks for a decision from them the Quarrel with China, the Rifle Corps Movement, the General Question of Armaments. OUR OWN LECTURERS. We have five under commision, besides local agents; but none of them are constantly at work in our service. They would be if they could; but, unlike William Ladd, they have not the means of sustaining themselves, and our income will not enable us to sup port them in the field. We earnestly wish we could; but we can of course attempt only what our friends give us the means of doing. We have before us now from one of our lecturers, a man of ability and popular talents, whose heart is in our great work, a letter in which he says, “I cannot convey to you the anxiety I constantly feel in regard to my duty on the subject of a more active agency for the Peace Movement. * It does seem that much more ought to be done." Yes, a hundred times as much; but we can do only what the friends of peace shall enable us to do. We are amazed, as we have been many long years, that Christians are so insensible to the claims of this cause; but we devoutly pray, as we hope our servants will, for patience to wait and work still. * PREMIUM FOR ESSAYS ON PEACE. Middlebury College. We began some years ago a plan for the establishment of permanent premiums for Essays on Peace in our Colleges, and all our higher seminaries. The health of our Secretary, on whom it relied for success, failed just then, and compelled us to suspend it for a time; but we have not for a moment relinquished the project, and are glad to find some of our friends spontaneously turning their attention anew to the subject. We have recently received from our excellent friend, SAMUEL W. BOARDMAN, Castleton, Vt., a pledge of twenty dollars a year for such a premium in Middlebury College. A worthy example, and we hope other friends will follow it on behalf of other seminaries. Receipts designed for this number, are deferred to our next. To a portion of our friends we owe our obligations for this kind remembrance of our want; and we hope that others will not forget how much we need beyond what we are actually receiving. |