little to prevent or mitigate war, to supersede its alleged necessity, and thus pave the way in time for its entire and perpetual disuse. It is indeed a slow and a hard process; but, with God, his providence and his gospel on our side, we cannot fail of ultimate success. It is only a question of time. Such a huge folly, crime and curse as war, cannot continue forever in a world given in God's promises to the Prince of Peace. It is a burning shame that his followers have allowed it to continue so long in the very shade of his own sanctuaries; and it is for them to say how much longer this libel of blood shall remain upon a religion of peace. If they would all do their whole duty on the subject, not another war could ever sweep over any past of Christendom its besom of fire and blood. With them rests the question; and God will hold them responsible for the result." With the gospel in their hand, they can, if they will, put an end to war in every Christian land. Will they do it? Are they doing it now, or seriously trying to do it? The war-system of Christendom is costing professed Christians alone perhaps five hundred million dollars a year; but meanwhile how much are they giving for its abolition, for the Cause of Peace? Not fifteen thousand dollars a year even now, and during the last forty years an average of little more than half this sum. With such

a beggarly pittance of means, have they a right to expect any decisive or signal success? Let them contribute to this cause half a million dollars a year, only a thousandth part for peace that they alone now do for war; and the next generation, if not the present, shall see an end put in fact, if not in form, to the war-system of Christendom, and all its nations reposing henceforth in perpetual peace.

RESOLVES ON DISARMAMENT.

1. Resolved, That we regard the present iniquitous war in Italy, as a legitimate fruit of the great European system of standing armies, and war-like preparations in time of Peace.

2. Resolved, That military armaments not only furnish the means by which alone wars now become possible, but greatly increase the probability of their recurrence; and, so long as the absurd maxim, "In time of peace prepare for war," is received and acted upon, so long will tyrants be furnished with the power of oppressing their subjects, and stifling all aspirations for freedom; and so long will the burdens, miseries and crimes of war be perpetuated.

3. Resolved, That since it is demonstrably certain that, under the present system, the more any one nation prepares for war, the more every other will; that while one increases its army or navy, others are sure to do the same; and that to whatever extent this policy is carried, the peace of nations, so far from being secured, is more and more put in peril; it becomes the dictate of common sense that all who would secure their own safety, or the peace of the world, should insist on a GENERAL DISARMA

MENT.

4. Resolved, That the time has now come when the friends of peace throughout the world should unite their efforts for the accomplishment of this specific object, and, whatever their difference of opinion on other ques

tions, should concentrate their influence and energies to create such a public sentiment as will banish from the earth a policy alike repugnant to reason, and destructive of the best interests of mankind.

5. Resolved, That, since the greatest part of the immense revenues of all Christendom is now expended in preparations for war in time of peace, the policy of cessation from such glaring folly cannot fail of commending itself to the immediate interest of the people, in relieving them from the chief source of taxation, and in securing to commerce and every branch of productive industry all the blessings of peace, we have every reason to believe that vigorous and well directed efforts for the attainment of such an object, will receive the cordial approbation and support of the mass of intelligent minds in every country and clime.

6. Resolved, That the measures already taken by the London Peace Society to bring the question of DISARMAMENT before the people of England, both by public address and through the press, meet our warmest approbation; and, hoping that such efforts will be continued with unabated zeal, and largely increased, we pledge them all the co-operation and aid in our power.

JOSEPH STURGE.

On learning the decease of this distinguished friend and ornament of our cause, our Executive Committee passed the following resolves :

Resolved, That we have heard of the death of JOSEPH STURGE, late President of the London Peace Society, with the deepest sorrow. His earnest and life-long devotion to the cause of Peace; his eminent services in its behalf, not only in Europe, but in this country; his untiring zeal and liberal contributions; his enterprising spirit, and judicious counsels, all conspired to make him a most valuable and efficient co-laborer in the great work in which we are engaged; and his sudden and lamented death leaves a chasm in our ranks not easy to be filled.

Resolved, That we would embalm the memory of JOSEPH STURGE, not only as a sincere, persistent friend of Peace, but as an active promoter of every good work; a philanthropist "whose country was the world, and whose countrymen were all mankind';" ever ready to labor for the emancipation of the slave, for the promotion of temperance, for the relief of the suffering, for the elevation of the masses, and for the rights of every human being.

Resolved, That we tender to the family of our deceased friend our warmest sympathy in their bereavement, and request our friend Hon. AMASA WALKER, now on the eve of visiting England, to present them with a copy of the foregoing resolutions.

EXCUSES FOR MILITARY PREPARATIONS.

It is really amusing to remark how each power, while violently accusing its neighbors as designing mischief by warlike preparations, solemnly deprecates on its own account any other intention than what is most amiable and pacific. Count Cavour, in his circular note, after broadly charging Austria with hostile and aggressive designs against his country in adding to her forces in Italy, tells the world that the military measures Sardinia has taken, or is preparing to take, "have an exclusively defensive object, and, far from containing any menace to the tranquility of Europe, are intended to calm agitation. Austria, on the other hand, solemnly declares,

"that she is not an aggressive Power, and that it is an evident fact that the military preparations made by her in her Italian possessions, have only a defensive object in view; that they were in fact intended to repel an attack openly and loudly announced from the other side of the Ticino." On the other hand, the French pamphlet ascribes the increased Austrian armaments in Italy to a secret purpose to retain and extend unjust conquest, while the Emperor's Speech protests that France is solicitous only "to inaugurate a system of peace which could not be disturbed." Austria reiterates her denial, and gently insinuates that, if the French Government is so anxious for peace, she may expect the news of the cessation of the armaments of France." And so they go on with reciprocal accusations, disclaimers and protestations in an indefinite series, each ascribing the other's military preparations to a guilty desire for war, and its own to a pure and passionate love of peace.'

In the midst of all this, however, there is a dim but constantly increasing recognition, which is very gratifying to us, of the necessity, importance and practicability of deciding the differences of nations by moral influence rather than by an appeal to brute force. The words of Count de Morny in addressing the French Legislative body, were very significant in this sense. After exhorting them to repose confidence in that memorable declaration of the Emperor, L'Empire c'est la paix, he proceeds, "How many other considerations are there, also, which ought to dispel our anxiety! Religion, philosophy, civilization, credit, manfactures. have made peace the first necessity of modern times; the blood of people can no longer be lightly shed-war is the last resort of injured right or wounded honor. Almost all difficulties are now solved by diplomocy or pacific arbitration. Rapid international communications and publicity have created a new European power with which all governments are obliged to reckonthis power is opinion." It certainly is no little gain to the cause of reason and humanity, that the masters of the world are obliged to acknowledge the superiority of public opinion, and to appear and plead their own cause before its sovereign tribunal. It is still more gain, to find that they acknowledge that almost all disputed questions can and ought now to be settled by pacific arbitration.-Herald of Peace.

COURT OF ARBITRATION.

THE events leading to the present war in Europe, drew forth in Paris, as elsewhere, a variety of publications on the question of Peace; and, among others, one arguing with much force that the Italian controversy should have been referred to the Paris Congress which terminated the Crimean war, and unanimously adopted principles fitted and designed to meet just such a case. He goes indeed so far as to say that its principles afford ground for erecting it into something like a permanent Court of Arbitration for examining and deciding all disputes between the Powers represented in that Congress:

"The Congress of Peace did what it could; but what it could not do, ought we now to accomplish by means of arms, or by way of diplomatic negotiation? Must war come again to oppress the ledgers of nations with overwhelming charges, to interrupt productive labor and international relations? Or shall we continue in the path opened to us by the Congress of Paris? Shall we submit to a European tribunal the adjustment of the differences which produce so much agitation around us? Is there at this moment a nation in Europe which has a real interest in making war?"

But this pacific instrument (Congress of Paris) dates only, as it were, from yesterday; we are not yet familiarised with it; the idea of submitting international differences to a high court of diplomacy and arbitration, just as individuals submit to civil tribunals their contending claims, that idea has not yet entered into the minds of any large number even of able and distinguished men. But what happened after the Eastern war ought, nevertheless, to enlighten even the least clear-sighted. The Congress of Paris was certainly something more than an accidental and fortuitous meeting; it had all the characteristics of a great institution. The actual circumstances are favorable to the practical use (au fonctionnement) of this eminently civilizing institution. Why not make the experiment, as to what may be expected from it, on an occasion so decisive and so grave as that in which we now find ourselves? Since all good men are at present agreed in regarding war, even the most legitimate, as a ruinous proceeding, to which recourse ought to be had only in the extremest cases, why should we not first exhaust all means of conciliation and arrangement ?

Since time has improved the means of peace, as well as perfected the implements of war; since the Crimean war had for its result to unite around the same table all the representatives of European nations; since there exists to-day something analogous to a family council, a high court of arbitration, which in 1856, proclaimed with common accord certain great principles, it follows that Europe his at present at her disposal, an instrument of peace, which it had not when the Crimean war broke forth.

It is quite evident that if the Emperor of the French, for example, in accord with one or more of his allies, were to appeal to all the sovereigns who had ratified the different treaties, conventions, and declarations of 1856, and, in the name of these same treaties, were to submit this question, if it is right, if it is moral, if it is for the public good, to leave existing in the midst of Europe, a permanent menace of trouble and insurrection, a volcano which may at any moment burst forth, and ravage everything that stands in its course, the great probability is, that such an appeal would be listened to, that the situation of Italy would be peaceably regulated, and that Austria, Rome and Naples would, under such a moral pressure which would have force for its sanction, make important concessions.

It is not possible that the European sovereigns who agreed to declare that privateering is abolished, that the neutral flag covers all merchandise, except contraband of war, that neutral merchandise, excepting contraband of war, is not seizable under an enemy's flag, that blockades in order to be binding, must be effectual, that is, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to an enemy's shores-it is not possible, we say, that sovereigns united by principles so advanced and so humane, should not feel that war is an extreme proceeding, to which they ought not to have recourse, until all means of conciliation have been exhausted, and that the wisest policy, as well as that most conducive to international interests, consists in preventing an explosion."

EFFECT OF WAR ON FINANCES.

THE idea that the war now raging in Europe would prove to our gain, is being belied by the events of every successive day. There is no feeling so demoralizing, or so much to be condemned on moral grounds, as the exultation of delight at the prospect of turning the troubles of others to our own profitable account. But the derangements and disasters arising out of the war are not confined to the actual belligerents, or even to those supposed likely to be drawn into the war. They extend to us across the broad Atlantic. The belt of commerce encircles the commercial world;

that belt or circle disturbed in any one point, is made to vibrate the world through.

All the advices from the great European Continent are full of gloom and evil forebodings. The contractions of credit and the currency are having the effect of collapsing trade and commerce, by reducing everything to cash prices. The demand for specie everywhere is the effect of this war, which is bringing disaster on our mercantile relations, and a heavy depreciation on the value of our cotton. The difference to the owners of the cotton on hand, and coming forward, is to be counted by millions of dollars. The losses have already produced serious trouble. The Charleston banks have, it is said, come forward to the assistance of one large house in that city having connections in New York and Liverpool. In Germany, as well as in Italy, an entire want of confidence prevails throughout the whole community. But what is still more serious to us in the United States, as affecting the absorption of specie, this want of confidence has spread throughout the masses of the people. The savings banks in Germany are being run upon. The working classes are stipulating for payment of their wages in specie, before they consent to work. The forced loans by Austria on their own subjects, and the plunder and rapine she inflicts on Sardinia, have aroused a revolutionary feeling for revenge, and filled all Central Europe with alarm. The damage of the Austrian inroad on Piedmont, destined happily to be but temporary, it is stated already amounts to hundreds of millions of dollars. France and Sardinia, it is hoped, will not retaliate in like manner on Austria. The point, however, which troubles us, is that all classes are grasping at specie, which is the only property that is really safe, or in their power to secrete and hoard.

Already securities are being forwarded to great centres, and this forcing of specie forward at any cost involves a contraction of trade, and realization of assets, which point steadily and gloomily to a coming convulsion only paralleled by the wars of the French Revolution, or those of the first French Empire. Historical parallels are instructive. The wars arising out of the French Revolution occasioned such a heavy drain of specie from England, from 1792 to 1797, under similar want of confidence and hoarding as is taking place now, that in the year 1797 there was a suspension of specie payments, which, though voted to be for only four months by the British Parliament, lasted for twenty-two years, indeed, until in the year 1819, by the act known as Sir Robert Peel's, specie payments were resumed, the violent reaction of which brought, in 1825, ruin and bankruptcy in its train.-N. Y. Independent.

GLIMPSES OF WAR ON THE SPOT.

EVERY war, whatever may be its aim, must be, from first to last, a tissue of crimes and woes, a vast aggregation of guilt and suffering. We copy a few illustrations:

AUSTRIAN EXACTIONS IN PIEDMONT.-The march of Gen. Gyulai into Piedmont, and his marchings and counter-marchings in that twenty-five miles of space between the Ticino and his advanced posts, seem to have had no other design than that of plunder. The opinion generally promulgated in Europe before the war, that Austria would be obliged to commence hostilities in spite of the Congress, in order to give its army something to eat and an instalment on arrear pay, is now more than doubly confirmed. The whole country has been despoiled by such a rate of exhorbitant and cruel exactions as would have disgraced the barbarous ages of warfare. In