RESULTS OF THE RUSSIAN WAR.

The friends of Peace have some right to be proud of their opposition to the war with Russia. It was not, be it remembered, the simple negative doctrine of the sinfulness of war. Their most unscrupulous revilers cannot venture to assert that, in their parliamentary, platform, or newspaper conflict against the Russian war, they ever appealed to any authority not recognized among politicians. It was a battle of blue-books. With their fingers between the despatches of our own diplomatists, they argued that the interests of civilization and liberty would not be promoted, but retarded, by our going to war in defence of Turkey; that the dispute with Russia would be honorably and safely adjusted, if we refrained from interference; and that, unless we intended a perpetual protectorate of Turkey, or her division between ourselves and France, we had better leave her to the exertion of her own strength.

These arguments were drowned in clamorous cries of eagerness to repel Russian aggression. Far be it from us to reproach our countrymen with an enthusiasm which was none the less disinterested for being. mistaken. They who, like ourselves, at one time shared that enthusiasm, do right to vindicate its honesty. But we ought not to be ashamed to confess our error. We must all see now that these men of peace were right. The war itself disproved, as it went on, every pretext upon which it was undertaken. Bit by bit, it came out, that the disputants had actually agreed to terms, when our meddling ambassador set them at each other's throats; that so far from intending to liberate Poland, the allies bound themselves at the outset not to diminish, in the event of their success, the Empire of Russia; that if the only object had been to prevent Russia keeping up a force in the Black Sea, diplomacy would have accomplished that object as well before as after the destruction of Sebastopol; that so far from the Turks being unable to hold their own frontiers, they unaided drove the Russians from the Danube, and were only prevented by their allies from raising the siege of Kars; and that, instead of the war being instrumental to establish even the independence of Circassia, a provision for that purpose was omitted from the treaty of Paris, though accepted at the Conferences at Vienna.

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No doubt there is a considerable change for the better in the relations of Russia to the rest of Europe; but that is a consequence of the change from Nicholas to Alexander. Would we see how little how vastly less than nothing the war has had to do with any improvement, we have but to look at the condition of Turkey. That unhappy and ill-used power has been deprived of all but the name of independence. Her finances disordered beyond the help of loans, her national spirit outraged in every conceivable way, her improvement retarded by the new stimulus given to the old Mahometan ferocity, the government of provinces, nominally her own, reconstituted with or without either their will or hers, one of her towns bombarded in retaliation of an outrage for the legal punishment of which she had provided is it possible that the most ignorant of her population, whether Moslem or Christian, can think with gratitude of the war in her defence?

And what of Europe at large? Does not the last chance of Polish resurection seems to have vanished with the signature of the treaty which passed her over among the nations forgotten as well as dead? Did not the Hungarian leader point out with pathetic prescience, that every ship steering to the Crimea carried away with it the hopes of a nation whose liberation was supposed to be one of the objects of the war, and whose un

bought valor would have been our best auxiliary? And what is the latest item of continental news, but the reinforcement of the French army at Rome? As if for the final dispersion of our dreams of European liberty, rising from the blood-stained waters of the Euxine, the Gallic cock crows loud and shrill his right of proprietorship over the chained and wounded eagle of republican Rome. And in the bitterness of regret for the ruin of hopes so bright and pure and large, we scarcely care to remember how much of life and wealth were squandered in the vain attempt to give them form and substance!" Carlisle (Eng.) Examiner.

Thus slowly, yet surely, are the views of peace-men triumphing at length over the delusions of war-men. Yet how long does it take, and how much of quiet patience and perseverance does it require, to set the public mind right on such a question. How dear the wisdom learned in the bloody school of war experience! It cost nearly a million lives, and we know not how many thousand millions of treasure, just to engrave on the heart of Christendom, in the noon of this nineteenth century, the suicidal folly of such a conflict as that in the Crimea, and even now scarce half learned by one man in fifty. Courage, friends of peace! Trust in God, and in his own good time there shall come the blessed consummation you seek.

WILLIAM PENN'S EXAMPLE.

To show the power and efficacy of the principles of peace, I do not know that the world has furnished a better instance than occurred in the wellknown event in the life of the founder of this Commonwealth. Penn met a race of men here — the inhabitants of the forest - who had been regarded as bloody and cruel, and unfaithful, and always disposed to war. With portions of that race there had been long and fierce conflicts, and every colony had been made to feel the cruelties of the tomahawk and the scalping-knife. Penn was on principle opposed to war, and meant to live with all mankind on terms of peace. He came un irmed with neither battleaxe, nor buckler, nor sword, nor shield, nor cannon. "We meet," said he to them, "on the broad pathway of good faith and good will; no advantage shall be taken on either side, but all shall be openness and love. I will not call you children, for parents sometimes chide their children too severely; nor brothers, for brothers differ. The friendship between me and you I will not compare to a chain, for that the rains might rust, or the falling tree break. We are the same as if one man's body were divided into two parts; we are all one flesh and blood."

'The children of the forest were touched by the sacred doctrine,' says the historian, and renounced their guile and their revenge. We will live,' said they, in love with William Penn and his children, as long as the moon and the sun shall endure.'

The treaty of peace and friendship made between him and them under the old elm on the banks of the Delaware, was one of the most remarka ble transactions in history, one of the finest conceivable triumphs of the spirit of peace; one of the most signal rebukes of the spirit of war, and of the necessity for war. 'It was not confirmed by an oath; it was not ratified by signatures and seals; no written record of the conference can be found; and its terms and conditions had no abiding monument but on the heart. There they were written like the law of God, and there they were never forgotten. The simple sons of the wilderness, returning to their

wigwams, kept the history of the covenant by strings of wampum, and long afterwards, in their cabins, would count over the shells on a clean piece of bark, and recall to their own memory, and repeat to their children or the stranger, the words of William Penn. He had come without arms; he declared his purpose to abstain from violence; he had no message but peace; and not a drop of Quaker blood was ever shed by an Indian. (Bancroft, ii. 383, 384.) Who can tell how much the same spirit would have done to disarm all hostile tribes; and who can fail to see here a sublimer victory than was ever achieved on any field of blood, and brighter and more enduring laurels than were ever gained in the carnage of battle? Albert Barnes.

THE PARAGUAY EXPEDITION.

We are glad to find, since the publication of our article on this subject in our last number, the papers of the country, and even both Houses of Congress, taking it up somewhat in earnest. There is need only of timely and thorough discussion to put the whole movement under the frown of an indignant public opinion.

"It is desirable," says the Independent, "that the people of the United States, who may soon be called upon to revise this whole proceeding at the polls, should acquaint themselves with the position and resources of Paraguay, and the alleged causus belli against our South American neighbors. The means of authentic information are happily at hand, and the press should be prompt in making this information generally accessible. The Messrs. Harper have issued, in an octavo of 600 pages, a Narrative of the Exploration of the Tributaries of the river La Plata, and adjacent countries, made during the years 1853-56 inclusive, under the orders of the U. S. Government. This narrative is from the pen of I ieut. Page, U. S. N., who commanded the expedition. The volume contains a great deal of both general and scientific information concerning the basin of the La Plata, its products and resources, its inhabitants and their institutions. The territory of Paraguay is wholly interior, lying between 19° and 27 30 min. south latitude, and between 54° and 58 west longitude from Greenwich, and is enclosed between the river Paraguay upon the west, and the Parana upon the south and east. Its area is estimated at 84,000 square miles.

The colonial laws of Spain while she had control over this region, and the policy of Rosas after the independence of Buenos Ayres, shut up this vast chain of interior navigation from the commerce of the world; but in 1852 the Argentine Confederation declared its waters free to all nations. Immediately upon this declaration, Mr. Fillmore's administration despatched a small steamer, the Water Witch, under the command of Lieut. Page, to explore the rivers of La Plata, and to negotiate commercial treaties with the Argentine Confederation. Notwithstanding some little embarrassments at the outset, the expedition was received with all the consideration which could fairly be claimed; and the explorations, as described in the narrative of Lieut. Page, extended over 3,600 miles of river navigation, and 4,000 miles of land travel in Paraguay and the Argentine Confederation.

In the Confederation the expedition was received with every mark of respect. Toward the close of the visit to Paraguay, however, a serious difficulty arose between the United States Consul at Asuncion and President Lopez-a difficulty involving the commercial schemes of an American Company in which the Consul was interested. To this day no statement of this

affair has been given which is entirely satisfactory. There is too much reason to suspect that an occasion for a quarrel was sought by the American Company in consequence of the failure of their exaggerated schemes of commercial adventure; and that an air of contempt toward Paraguay and its President provoked a feeling of hostility, which finally exploded in an attack upon the Water Witch while sailing in waters claimed to be within he jurisdiction of Paraguay. To revenge this provoked insult, and to repair the dilapidated fortunes of a commercial company, the costly expedition to Paraguay has been undertaken.

From Lieut. Page's account of the Parana and Paraguay rivers, we do not anticipate any very brilliant naval achievements in those waters; and as to the national insult, and the commercial treaty, whatever may be due to the comity of nations, and the general principles of commercial intercourse, we doubt whether in this instance the game is worth the powder. The commercial value of Paraguay has been over-estimated; and as to national honor, Lieut. Page well observes that "Filibustering will not create for us, as a nation, respect in the South American Republics. Neither will it promote our commercial interests, nor advance civilization. The most brilliant oratorical efforts in our National Legislature upon the Monroe Doctrine,' will be unavailing, if we fail to convince them that our policy is genial and sympathetic. It is easy to have our flag respected without making it suspected."

HOW INDIAN WARS COST SO MUCH.

The House of Representatives, some time ago, called on the Secretary of the Treasury for information respecting the enormous expenses for Indian hospitalities in Oregon and Washington Territories. The real cause is not given in the reply, though it is clearly enough "the old story of plundering and war against the red man; and the instant his savage nature finds an outlet in retaliation, the dogs of war are let loose upon the tribes, and ex termination, or a distant removal, is the only alternative."

"But to the expense. It appears that a commission organized at Portland, Oregon, in October. 1856, has submitted a report to the Secretary of War, in which claims for the snug little sum of $1,449,949 33 were presented for payment from the national treasury. This is for Oregon only. The Washington claim is more modest, but touches the handsome figure of $1,481,475 45, making for both these young territories a sum reaching nearly six million dollars.

The items in the account are rich. The limits of my letter forbid extensive quotations. The price of labor is fabulous; the ordinary laborer four dollars per day, while clerks are awarded ten dollars per diem invariably. Horses, by quantities, are purchased for three and four hundred dollars apiece, hired at four dollars per day; shanties for officers and men are rented at from one to two hundred dollars per month; and one little item of expressing a message from Deer Creek to Port Oxford,' is set down at the cool price of $800- -a handsome sum for an ordinary horseback ride. The miscellaneous articles, with their prices, are astounding. As for example, harness, $100; riding-saddle, $50 to $60; lumber $30 to $100 thousand, and this, too, in a timber country; nails, from 15 to 50 cents, per pound; tobacco, 75 to $1 50 per pound; axes, $3 to $6; axe-handles, $1 to $1 50 each; hand saws, $3; etc., etc. The price charged for forage is on the same princely scale. Oats, from $5 to $7 per bushel; corn, $1

per bushel; hay, $100 to $200 per ton. Blacksmiths or farriers must have made a harvest out of the war, for I find the invariable price for shoeing animals is $5 per shoe, or $12 for a single horse or mule.

The difference between purchase and sale illustrates so clearly the whole swindle upon the Government, that I cannot refrain from giving one full quotation, premising that the whole statement, seventy odd pages, is of a piece with it." Mr. Peters purchased 317 mules and 19 horses, at an average of about $250 each. He hired in addition, 448 horses and mules, 28,078 days at $4 per day, $112,312, and teams to the amount of $21,900. The rates of hire of teams were $4 per day for the horses and mules, $2 per day each for oxen, and $4 for wagons. The hire of packers, teamsters, etc., is $4 to $10 per day, having been reduced by commission from $6 to $12. The persons from whom the animals were hired, were nearly all in service as teamsters and packers at from $4 to $8 per day. The purchases of forage are: 157,504 pounds oats, charged $5 to $7 per bushel, allowed $3 60; 3,214 pounds corn, charged $4 per bushel, allowed $3 50; 61,709 pounds barley, charged $9 to $12 per bushel, allowed $3.50; 441,807 pounds wheat, charged $4 per bushel, allowed $3 50; 393,735 pounds wheat crushed, charged $7 per bushel, allowed $4.50; 432,569 pound hay, charged $160 to $200 per ton, allowed 120; 11,400 pounds straw, charged $20 per ton, allowed $20.

"Mr. Peters sold at auction, at Jacksonville, August 27, 1856, 26 horses for $1,891, being a little less than 73 each; 200 mules for $18,076, being at an average of $90 each. This included 127 aparajoes and pack-saddles, costing about $15 each. 7 wagons were sold for $362, an average of $51, 70; 898 bushels wheat sold for $580 25; 261 bushels sold at 71 cents$185 31; 637 bushels sold at 62 cents-$394 94 ; 50 riding saddles sold for $303 50, the rates being from 33 cents to $29 each; iron, 84 cents; nails, 16 cents; caps, 25 cents; hats, 50 cents; 129 pairs boots, $1 55 per pair, and 29 pairs at $2 50 per pair. Of 150 sheets drawing paper, for which $450 were paid, 75 sheets were used; the remaining 75 sheets sold for $11 25."

SPOILS OF WAR.

The morals of so-called Christian warfare may be seen from the reports of what it has instigated or allowed of late in India. It must have led to a deep general demoralization of the troops.

"The English troops," one account says, " must have had a rare time of it in Lucknow. It was impossible, the officers say, to stop the plunder; and from the accounts given, they did not seem disposed to attempt impossibilities. The place was given up to pillage. All the evidences of barbaric magnificence-furniture, embroidered hangings, chandeliers, statues, mirrors, and china,-were knocked about in search of treasures. Those who could not get in at once to carry on the work, searched the corridors, battered off the noses, legs and arms of the statues in the gardens, or, diving into cellars, either made their fortunes by the discovery of unsuspected treasure, or lost their lives at the hands of concealed fanatics. The amount of spoils carried off by the soldiers, is said to have been very large."

"We learn," says the Bristol (Eng.) Mercury," that a lady residing at Clifton, the wife of a gallant major at present serving in India, has received a letter from her husband, which gives a glowing account of the treasure seized by our troops at Lucknow. As an earnest of his own success, he has sent her home a necklace of splendid pearls and some emeralds, one of which is believed to be of large value. The gems are in a comparatively rough state, the emeralds having been ignorantly, and we almost said, mercilessly drilled through. The letter speaks of a corporal in the gallant