tions, in festive toasts, and bacchanalian revelries and songs. And finally, when driven from every other topic on which to support false principles by unfounded argumentation, grave senators and representatives of the United States, have introduced the threadbare subject of the Hartford Convention into debate, in the legislative halls of the nation, when engaged in discussing the weighty concerns of this extensive republic, and united with those of inferior standing and character, in villifying the Hartford Convention.

Occurrences of this kind, with others of a more serious and portentous description, seemed to indicate, in a clear and convincing manner, that the time had arrived when the public at large should be better informed on the subject of this convention. The objects for the accomplishment of which it had originally been convened, and the able and most satisfactory exhibition of their labors contained in their report, which was published by them to the world at the moment of their adjournment, have long been lost sight of, and forgotten. With this is connected the extraordinary circumstance, that besides the members themselves, no individual, except a single executive officer of the body, had any means of knowing what passed during their session. That officer was the only disinterested witness of what was transacted by the convention. He was present throughout every sitting, witnessed every debate, heard every speech, was acquainted with every motion and every proposition, and carefully noted the result of every vote on every question. He, therefore, of necessity was, ever has been, and still is, the only person, except the members, who had the opportunity to know, from personal observation, every thing that occurred. His testimony, therefore, must be admitted and received, unless he can be discredited, his testimony invalidated, or its force entirely destroyed.

Previously to entering upon the immediate history of

the convention, it will be necessary to review the policy and measures of the national government, which eventually led to the war between this country and Great Britain; as it was that war which induced the New-England states to call the convention.

After the formation of the Constitution of the United States by the Convention of 1787, and before its adoption by the several states, the country became divided into two political parties-THE FRIENDS and THE ENEMIES of that constitution. The former, being in favour of the establishment of a federal government, according to the plan delineated in the constitution, naturally took the name of Federalists. Those who were opposed to the constitution, and the form of government which it contained, as naturally took the name of Anti-federalists. Under these titles, when the constitution had been adopted, and was about to commence its operations, these parties took the field, and arrayed themselves, both in congress and in the country, under their several banners. The Federalists, that is, the friends of the new constitution and government, were for the first eight years the majority, and of course were able to pursue the policy, and adopt the measures, which in their judgment were best calculated to promote the great interests of the Union. At their head, by the unanimous vote of the nation, was placed the illustrious WASHINGTON, who had led their armies to victory in the war of independence, and who was now designated by the whole body of the people as their civil leader and guide, and the protector of their rights and liberties. No person who is not old enough to remember the feelings of 1789, can realize the deep emotions of that most interesting period, the hopes that were enkindled by the reappearance of this great man upon the stage of active usefulness, and of the confidence that was reposed in his talents, his wisdom, the purity of his character, and the disinterestedness of his patriotism. Congress assembled, and the government was

organized. Among the members of the legislative houses, were to be found those who had attended the convention of 1787, and assisted in forming the constitution under which they were convened to deliberate on the highest interests of the Union. Among them were the names of Strong, King, Ellsworth, Johnson, Sherman, Madison, Langdon, Few, Paterson, Read, Baldwin, and Gilmanall members of the convention. These men could not fail of being thoroughly acquainted with the constitution, in all its parts and provisions, the views which were entertained of its character and principles by the convention, and which had been fully explained and discussed before the state conventions by which it had been approved and ratified. They were also associated, in the Senate and House of Representatives, with others from different parts of the Union, and of the highest reputation for public spirit and talents, many of whom had, either in the council or in the field, assisted in vindicating the rights and achieving the independence of their country. Among the latter were R. Morris, Carroll, R. H. Lee, Izard, Schuyler, Benson, Boudinot, Fitzsimmons, Sedgwick, Sturges, Trumbull, Ames, and Wadsworth. On men of this description, devolved the task of commencing operations under the new and untried system of government, which had been established by the great body of the people over this infant republic. No collection of statesmen or patriots were ever placed in a more sublime or responsible situation. On their wisdom, integrity, patriotism, and virtue, under the blessing of Heaven, depended not only the freedom, the prosperity, and the happiness of the unnumbered millions who might hereafter inhabit this emancipated portion of the western continent, but the result of the great experiment which was about to be made, whether there was virtue enough in men to support a system of free, elective, representative government.

The attempt was made, and it was successful. During

the two successive periods of General Washington's administration, the cardinal principles of the government were ascertained and established, and a general system of national policy was marked out and pursued, which has regulated and controlled the important concerns of the national government to the present day. At the first session of the first congress, a judicial system was formed with such skill and wisdom, that forty year's experience approves and sanctions, in the fullest manner, the soundness of its principles and the practical wisdom and utility of its general character and provisions. A financial system, devised by the extraordinary mind, and matured by the intuitive discernment of Hamilton, was adopted, the great principles of which have been in operation through all the vicissitudes of party which the country has experienced, and are still in force. The funding system was also adopted by the first congress, which as strongly displayed the wisdom, as it did the justice of the government. The national Bank, an institution indispensably necessary to the government as well as to the country at large, was another important measure of this administration. The organization of the militia, and the formation of a navy, were objects of its constant attention and solicitude. In short, it may be said, without danger of its being seriously controverted by men of intelligence and character, that the great principles of policy which have led the nation onward to reputation, respectability, prosperity, and power, were proposed and adopted under the administration of Washington, and were the fruits of the combined wisdom, profound forecast, and disinterested patriotism of himself and his associates in the councils of the nation. He was the great leader, and they were members, of that class of politicians who were called Federalists-a body of men who have been the objects of vulgar reproach and popular calumny from the time the government was formed, down to the present period.

The acknowledged head of the Anti-federal party was Thomas Jefferson. At the time when the convention which formed the constitution were in session, and until its adoption by nine of the states, Mr. Jefferson was absent from the country in France, where he had resided as the ambassador of the United States for a number of years. As his character and conduct will be found to be intimately connected with the subject of this work, it will be necessary to devote some time to an examination of his political career, from the time of his return from Europe, until the expiration of his administration of the national government.

This gentleman came into public life at an early age; and after having been once initiated in political pursuits, he devoted to them a large portion of the residue of his days. His mind was of a visionary and speculative cast;— he was somewhat enthusiastic in his notions of government, ambitious in his disposition, and fanciful in his opinions of the nature and principles of government. By a long course of watchful discipline, he had obtained a strict command over his temper, which enabled him to wear a smooth and plausible exterior to persons of all descriptions with whom he was called to mingle or associate. Having been chairman of the committee of the congress of 1776, by whom the Declaration of Independence was drawn up, that fact gave him a degree of celebrity, which the mere style of composition in that celebrated document would not, under other circumstances, have secured to its author. At the same time, he had the reputation of being a scholar as well as a statesman; and more deference was paid to him, in both respects, than the true state of the case called for, or in strictness would warrant. His knowledge of men, however, was profound; he understood the art of gaining and retaining popular favour beyond any other politician either of ancient or modern times. Whilst he was apparently familiar with those who were about him, he was capable of deep dissimulation; and though he had at his command