OPPOSING THE ADMINISTRATION.

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and in a time of civil war, the truly loyal will give that generous support which patriotism demands, the withholding of which is a sin against God, and a crime against humanity.

OPPOSING THE ADMINISTRATION.-CHANGE DEMANDED.

There is still another phase of "loyalty," so called, which deserves a passing notice. So intense is the feeling of some who claim to be loyal, that they proclaim that they will not give one iota of influence to sustain the Government, to aid the war, or to crush the rebellion,-all which they profess to wish to see accomplished,-until we can have a change of administration. They deem its measures so impolitic or wicked, its aims so selfish, and its conduct so corrupt, that until there is a change they cannot conscientiously aid the Government in any possible way; in recruiting its armies, or sustaining those now in the field, or in any other measure tending directly to crush the rebellion.

To mere partisans, who wish to get into power or to be carried upon the back of some one who does, we have nothing to say. To reason with partisan prejudice and passion is seldom profitable. For another class, who claim to be loyal, and whose position is that above designated, we have a word.

There are two ways of disposing of corrupt officials, both of which are provided for by law. One is by impeachment; the other by dismissal at the end of their term of office, that is, by electing some one else. In regard to the Administration at Washington, as Congress will not meet till after the Presidential election, the latter is relied upon to work the change essential to bring to the support of the Government those who cannot support it until a change occurs.

Leaving politicians to discuss probabilities, let us look at what all must admit may possibly occur on the first Tuesday in November next.

LOYALTY PRACTICALLY TESTED.

General

Mr. Lincoln has been nominated for re-election. Frémont is also a candidate for the Presidency. A candidate is to be nominated at Chicago by the Democratic party. Perhaps others may be put in nomination.

It will be admitted that Mr. Lincoln may possibly be reelected. Suppose he should be, what will those do who claim to be loyal,—some of whom believe that they personally embody an unusual amount of that sentiment,—but who declare that they cannot and will not support the Government, or help to crush the rebellion, while Mr. Lincoln is in power? Will they add four years more of total inaction, or opposition and vituperation, to the time already expended in that way, if the contest with treason should continue so long, while other citizens are using all their influence, even pouring out their blood, to sustain the Government against its enemies? Will they do that, and still claim to be loyal?—still claim a larger amount of patriotism than their fellow-citizens?

But this is a many-sided question. There are other possibilities. The election of General Frémont, we may assume, is secured. A certain class of those who suspend support of the Government upon a change in the administration will then of course become very zealous in its support. But suppose the friends of Mr. Lincoln should then say they would withhold all support while General Frémont was in power; would their loyalty suffer no detriment?

Or if the Chicago nominee should be elected, and on coming into power should announce such a policy upon

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the manner of dealing with the rebellion as would not satisfy the friends of the present Administration, but yet was determined on maintaining the Union intact, would it be the part of good citizenship to withhold support from the Government, or malign it, or throw obstacles in its way, because every measure of the new Administration could not be approved?

But if the policy of the present Administration, as to the manner of dealing with the rebellion,-objected to from opposite grounds, and for conflicting reasons, by different and disagreeing classes,—can justify a total withholding of support, the same dissent from some measure of policy in any future Administration may justify like inaction or opposition. We are then brought back to the principle already announced,-and there is no other safe ground to occupy,-the duty of every citizen to sustain the Government, by sustaining the Administration for the time being in power, by whatever party elected, in crushing rebellion and preserving our nationality, even though some measures of its policy for these ends may not be approved. Any other principle than this has in it the germ of anarchy and ruin. If we may withhold support from the Government until all men are agreed in every measure of its policy, we must wait till doomsday—and still wait.

LOYALTY ABOVE PARTISANSHIP.-VIOLENCE.

Let no one imagine that we view things from a partisan stand-point. Far different from that is our feeling; far different has been our action; far different will both be in the future. We have given, as we have had ability, our influence to sustain the Government in overthrowing rebellion. As we have done it under this Administration, so shall we, and so should we have done, under any other. Whoever may be elected in

November next to administer the Government shall have our unfailing support. We know of no other stand in Christian honesty to take. So it would have been in the past. Had Jefferson Davis, who was sought to be put in nomination at Charleston, been elected President of the United States in 1860, he would have been our President, and we should have given his administration that support always demanded as a Christian duty.

It is believed by some,-indeed, we have heard it said. by those whose opportunities are good for gaining information, beyond what appears in the papers, about secret organizations against the Government,-that in case Mr. Lincoln should be re-elected, his administration would not be tolerated, and that he would be assassinated.

That there are men base enough for this is of course true. That there are secret organizations for this purpose may be also true. That there are men, all through the loyal States, ready for any thing which will destroy the Government and give triumph to the rebellion, is beyond doubt true. But we have not lost faith in the loyalty of the people at large. Desperadoes, in a time of revolution, are ready for any thing. But we do not believe that partisanship has so corrupted the masses of the people who are for sustaining the Government and putting down the rebellion, that they would for a moment countenance a revolution against any Administration which the people, should constitutionally put in power. If Mr. Lincoln is reelected, it will be hailed with joy by his friends, and be quietly submitted to by his foes. If any other candidate is elected, the same result, vice versa, will be seen. Politicians may gnash their teeth, on one side or the other, as the issue shall be determined, and desperadoes, whether within or without the Golden Circle, may organize, and arm, and bluster; but THE PEOPLE have too much at

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stake to inaugurate or support a revolution, whoever may 'attempt to lead it, against any Administration constitutionally elected. Their experience with the rebellion now on their hands, convinces them that one thing of this very sort is enough at a time.

GOD REIGNS-OUR TRUST.

We have said we have not lost confidence in the people. Much less have we lost faith in God. That He presides over the destinies of this nation we know from His word, for He presides over all. And though His word does not reveal the path opened for us in the future, His providence, as we have attempted to show elsewhere, is shaping events, as we believe, through our eventual purification, for a more glorious career for this people. We may yet have to pass through a fiercer furnace than that now glowing. If so, it will be just. We eminently deserve it.

But whatever is in store for us, whether greater trials or speedy deliverance, and by whatever means, we know that all events are in His hand, and that He will do His pleasure. He works through all policies, all men, all events, and reaches His ends infallibly and gloriously.

THE PATRIOT'S REWARD.

The national contest in which we are engaged, places a stamp upon men and things which time can never efface. Those who are sustaining the Government, the truly loyal, will have their names and their deeds transmitted to posterity with honor. They will go down to coming generations in a grander halo of glory than that which encircles the memory of the patriots of the Revolutionary Era; for, if successful, the good which will be vouchsafed to the nation in its salvation from anarchy, and in the triumph of freedom, will far eclipse that which was secured by its