"the root of bitterness from which has sprung rebellion, war, and bloodshed, and the long list of horrors that follow in their train;" that hence, as it threatens our national existence, its continuance is "incompatible with the preservation of our liberty and independence;" and hence it urges all to efforts to remove it, regarding “the interests of peace and of social order identified with the success of emancipation."

5. It virtually approves of and indorses the measures of the Government, and the movements in certain Border States, looking to the entire removal of slavery from the land, in the exercise of both military and civil authority, and of the restoration of our national Union on the basis of universal freedom; regarding these things as calling for 66 gratitude to Almighty God."

TE DEUM LAUDAMUS.

We truly rejoice in this deliverance. We doubt not that Dr. Hodge in the Repertory is substantially correct in saying: "There cannot be a doubt that the sentiments of this paper are the sentiments of the Presbyterian Church in these United States." He of course means in the loyal States; and in this sense we say he is substantially correct: we wish we could say he is entirely so. But there are some Presbyterians in some of the Border States whose souls are filled with mourning and lamentation at this act of the Assembly; and there is one "religious" journal claiming to be the organ of the only true Presbyterians left in the whole land, whose wrath has taken new fire from the fuel here furnished.

We can, without qualification, adopt another statement of the Repertory, which says: "We think it may safely be assumed, that the report unanimously adopted by the Assembly, expresses the opinions and feelings of the vast

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majority of the people in the Northern, Western, and Middle States. In this view of the matter, we regard the adoption of such a paper a matter of great public importance. It is the revelation of a spirit of loyalty, and of devotion to the great cause for which the nation is now contending as for its life. In this view, it is matter for gratitude and encouragement."

It is of rather small consequence what that small fragment of the Church may think who groan over this deliverance. The mass of the loyal people, we verily believe, are convinced, after what slavery has attempted in this rebellion, that its death is just and its doom is near. We are, therefore, especially rejoiced, that the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, by an almost unanimous vote, has so explicitly put itself upon the record; has declared for universal emancipation, as essential to "peace," "social order," "liberty and independence ;" and has pledged itself and the people to sustain the Government in its measures for the restoration of our National Unity.

TO GOD BE THE PRAISE!

CHAPTER XI.

KENTUCKY OPINIONS.-THE PAST AND THE PRESENT.

As no Border State has at any time exhibited, among the religious portion of its community, more decided convictions upon Slavery, pro and con, than Kentucky, we propose in this chapter to present some of the views expressed against the system, at different periods, by some of her eminent men and religious bodies.

That which claims the pre-eminence, on account of the sentiments announced, the source whence they emanate, and the time of their utterance, is an Address issued in the year 1835. It is from a Committee of the Synod of the Presbyterian Church in Kentucky, to the members of this Church throughout the State.

The authority under which it was issued is as follows, as found in the minutes of the Synod: "For the purpose of promoting harmony and concert of action on this important subject, the Synod do Resolve, That a Committee of ten be appointed, to consist of an equal number of ministers and elders, whose business it shall be to digest and prepare a plan for the moral and religious instruction of our slaves, and for their future emancipation, and to report such plan to the several Presbyteries within our bounds for their consideration and approval."

It is entitled: "An Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky, proposing a Plan for the Instruction and Emancipation of their Slaves, by a Committee of the Synod of Kentucky."

The Committee were: "Messrs. John Brown, John

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Green, Thomas P. Smith, J. R. Alexander, and Charles Cunningham, laymen; and Revs. Wm. L. Breckinridge, James K. Burch, Robert Stuart, Nathan H. Hall, and John C. Young, ministers."

Some of these persons yet survive. Dr. Young, whose name appears last on the list, was at that time President of Centre College, the post which Dr. William L. Breckinridge, the first on the list of ministers, now fills. This eloquent and pungent address was from the pen of Dr. Young, than whom no man ever stood higher in the esteem of the Presbyterian Church in Kentucky. Though long, we bespeak for it a careful perusal. If there is to be found in the English language a more decided condemnation of slavery as a system, we have not met with it. We have only to suggest to the reader that he constantly bear in mind that he is not reading a paper which emanated from Boston, and was designed for the latitude of New England, but rather an address written in Kentucky, and, under the authority of the Synod, made to the Presbyterians of the State. The chief portions of this Address are as follows:

DEAR BRETHREN-The will of Synod has made it our duty to lay before you 66 a plan for the moral and religious instruction," as well as for "the future emancipation," of the slaves under your care. We feel the responsibility and difficulty of the duty to which the Church has called us, yet the character of those whom we address strongly encourages us to hope that our labor will not be in vain. You profess to be governed by the principles and precepts of a holy religion; you recognize the fact that you have yourselves "been made free" by the blood of the Son of God, and you believe that you have been imbued with a portion of the same spirit which was in Him who, though He was rich, yet for our sakes became poor." When we point out to such persons their duty, and call upon them to fulfil it, our appeal cannot be altogether fruitless. But we have a still stronger ground of encouragement in our firm conviction that the cause which we advocate is the cause of God, and that His assistance will make it finally prevail.

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May He who "hears the cry of the poor and needy," and who has commanded to let the "oppressed go free," give to each one of us wisdom to know our duty and strength to fulfil it.

We earnestly entreat you, brethren, to receive our communication in the same spirit of kindness in which it is made, and permit neither prejudice nor interest to close your minds against the reception of truth, or steel your hearts against the convictions of conscience. Very soon it will be a matter of no moment whether we have had large or small possessions on the earth; but it will be of infinite importance whether or not we have conscientiously sought out the will of

God and done it.

We all admit that the system of slavery which exists among us is not right. Why then do we assist in perpetuating it? Why do we make no serious efforts to terminate it? Is it not because our perception of its sinfulness is very feeble and indistinct, while our perception of the difficulties of instructing and emancipating our slaves is strong and clear? As long as we believe that slavery, as it exists among us, is a light evil in the sight of God, so long will we feel inclined to pronounce every plan that can be devised for its termination inexpedient or impracticable. Before then we unfold our plan, we wish to examine the system and try it by the principles which religion teaches. If it shall not be thus proved to be an abomination in the sight of a just and holy God, we shall not solicit your concurrence in any plan for its abolition. But if, when fairly examined, it shall be seen to be a thing which God abhors, we may surely expect that no trifling amount of trouble or loss will deter you from lending your efforts to its extermination.

Slavery is not the same all the world over. And to ascertain its character in any particular State or country, we must examine the constituents and effects of the kind of slavery which there exists. The system, as it exists among us and is constituted by our laws, consists of three distinct parts: a deprivation of the right of property, a deprivation of personal liberty, and a deprivation of personal security. In all its parts it is manifestly a violation of the laws of God, as revealed by the light of nature as well as by the light of revelation.

1. A part of our system of slavery consists in depriving human beings of the right to acquire and hold property. Does it need any proof to show that God has given to all human beings a right to the proceeds of their own labor? The heathen acknowledge it; every man feels it. The Bible is full of denunciations against those who withhold from others the fruits of their exertions. "Woe unto him that buildeth his house by unrigh