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We rejoice that the Church to which we belong commenced as early as any other in this country, the good work of endeavoring to put an end to slavery, and that in the same work many of its members have ever since been, and now are, among the most active, vigorous, and efficient laborers. We do, indeed, tenderly sympathize with those portions of our Church and of our country where the evil of slavery has been entailed upon them; where a great and the most virtuous part of the community abhor slavery, and wish its extermination as sincerely as any others—but where the number of slaves, their ignorance, and their vicious habits generally, render an immediate and universal emancipation inconsistent alike with the safety and happiness of the master and the slave. With those who are thus circumstanced, we repeat that we tenderly sympathize. At the same time we earnestly exhort them to continue, and if possible to increase their exertions to effect a total abolition of slavery. We exhort them to suffer no greater delay to take place in this most interesting concern, than a regard to the public welfare truly and indispensably demands.

As our country has inflicted a most grievous injury upon the unhappy Africans, by bringing them into slavery, we cannot indeed urge that we should add a second injury to the first, by emancipating them in such manner as that they will be likely to destroy themselves or others. But we do think that our country ought to be governed in this matter by no other consideration than an honest and impartial regard to the happiness of the injured party, uninfluenced by the expense or inconvenience which such a regard may involve. We, therefore, warn all who belong to our denomination of Christians, against unduly extending this plea of necessity; against making it a cover for the love and practice of slavery, or a pretence for not using efforts that are lawful and practicable to extinguish this evil. And we, at the same time, exhort others to forbear harsh censures, and uncharitable reflections on their brethren, who unhappily live among slaves whom they cannot immediately set free; but who, at the same time, are really using all their influence, and all their endeavors, to bring them into a state of freedom, as soon as a door for it can be safely opened. Having thus expressed our views of slavery, and of the duty indispensably incumbent on all Christians to labor for its complete extinction, we proceed to recommend, and we do it with all the earnestness and solemnity which this momentous subject demands, a particular attention to the following points.

The foregoing embraces the chief portion of the report. Thus, the most eminent men of the Presbyterian Church,

in her highest court, including many of the most renowned of that day from the South, who lived in the midst of slavery, and knew whereof they affirmed, speak of slavery as a system, of what it was before their eyes: regarding it as opposed both to humanity and religion, to the "law" and "gospel" of God; the wrong of which, to their view, was "demonstrated," and was "generally seen and acknowledged;" the "inconsistency" of which, as a "practice," among Christians, was manifest; and, therefore, as involving the inevitably resulting duty, to seek its "extinction" and "extermination," just "as speedily as possible."

The recommendations above referred to are: First, that the American Colonization Society (for colonizing free blacks in Africa) be encouraged, and they "exceedingly rejoice to have witnessed its origin and organization among the holders of slaves, as giving an unequivocal pledge of their desire to deliver themselves and their country from the calamity of slavery." Secondly, they recommend to all "to facilitate and encourage the instruction of their slaves in the principles and duties of the Christian religion.” Thirdly, they "enjoin it on all Church Sessions and Presbyteries, under the care of this Assembly, to discountenance, and as far as possible to prevent, all cruelty of whatever kind in the treatment of slaves, especially the cruelty of separating husband and wife, parents and children," etc.*

*The authorship of this celebrated report on slavery, of 1818, has been controverted, some attributing it to Dr. Baxter, and some to Dr. Green. The point is easily settled, first, from the testimony of Dr. Green, the Chairman of the Committee; second, from the testimony of Mr. Burgess, the only member of the Committee still living; third, by Dr. J. D. Paxton, a member of that Assembly; all of whom agree. Dr. Green. in his autobiography, makes the following statement on the point: "I was a commissioner this year (1818) to the General Assembly." Among other things, I penned the minute on the subject of slavery, which is yet referred to by those who are hostile to African slavery." In a recent letter from Mr. Burgess to the writer, is found some interesting items in the history of this paper. Though the

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PAPER OF 1818. 377

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PAPER OF 1818.

Some things regarding the foregoing document should here be noted, which strikingly illustrate the sentiments of the Church and of the country, at that period, upon the institution of slavery as a system.

1. It will be difficult to find in the English language a more direct and decided condemnation of the system than is here given. Even the most ultra abolitionists have never expressed themselves more emphatically. They have used harsher language, and they have had no such bowels of compassion as the Assembly felt, in view of the practical difficulties which beset the whole subject in any attempt to rid the country of the institution; but upon the simple matter of disapprobation of the system, and of the duty of endeavoring "to obtain the complete abolition of slavery throughout Christendom, and if possible throughout the world," the General Assembly here go as far as the farthest.

2. This paper was adopted unanimously. The Church was well represented from the South, and there were pres

letter is a private one, he takes the liberty of quoting from it. Mr. Burgess, it will be seen, introduced the subject to the notice of the Assembly, and thus "occasioned" its action. He says: "I was a member of what was then the Presbytery of Miami, when I presented the paper against slavery. The Committee which reported the paper, commonly called the paper of 1818, were Dr. Green, Dr. Baxter, and myself. Drs. Green and Baxter made out the report before consulting me on the subject; so that I am not responsible for the report at all, except that I occasioned it." He further says: "I was sent to the General Assembly, where I presented my paper, having first consulted Dr. Joshua L. Wilson, of Cincinnati, also Dr. Robert G. Wilson, of Chillicothe, Dr. Hoge, of Columbus, and Dr. Mathew Brown, then President of Washington College, Penn. When I laid in my paper before the Committee of Bills and Overtures, it was not reported. Then I took an appeal, agreeably to the advice of President Brown, and Rev. John Thompson, and others. My appeal was sustained, and thus the paper was brought before the Assembly. Dr. Green moved that the subject be given to a Committee of three ministers." Dr. Paxton, who was a member of the Assembly of 1818, and also of the Assembly of 1864, bears the same testimony, in a letter we have seen, to the authorship of the paper, ascribing it to Dr. Green.

ent in the Assembly the following distinguished persons, among the clergy: Drs. Coe, Romeyn, Green, Janeway, Ely, Chester, and Jennings, from the North, and Drs. Edgar, Witherspoon, and Leland, from the South, all of whom have at some time been Moderators of the Assembly; and also from the North, Drs. Fitch, Lansing, McClelland, Geo. C. Potts, Cathcart, Matthew Brown, Duffield, and Messrs. Burges, and Dickey, and from the South, Drs. Paxton, Baxter, Speece, Morrison, Melver, Nathan H. Hall, and Mr. James K. Burch, besides many others from both sections, of no doubt equal ability.

3. While this paper expressed the solemn judgment of the Church in all parts of the land, it also expressed the opinions substantially which were entertained by the most distinguished statesmen of every portion of the country, and by the people generally. This is too well known to be questioned.

4. It is no doubt true, also, that this is a fair representation of the views of all other denominations of Christians. It would be quite remarkable that so large and influential a body as the Presbyterian Church, extending at that time into nearly every State and Territory of the Union, should express, through its highest court, a unanimous judgment in terms of such pointed condemnation of slavery, and at the same time not exhibit in such action the general sentiment of other denominations.

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CONSERVATIVE" VIEWS.

We come now to the second period in the history of opinions on the subject of slavery. We find them first officially brought to view, so far as the action of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church is concerned, in the year 1836. The reader will have noticed a complete uniformity in sentiment from 1787 to 1818,

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embodying disapprobation of the system in each of the several instances in which a judgment was expressed, the main difference being in the more extended expression of views in the paper adopted 1818. The Church appears to have been satisfied with this judgment for many years, for we find no further action of any kind upon the subject till the year 1836; so that, in round numbers, we may say that such had been its views for a period of fifty years; though, undoubtedly, the transition had been in operation for some time.

The modification of these opinions in the Church at the North, which we have said presents a characteristic of the second period, is in an opposite direction to that commonly supposed.

No statement has been more frequently made since the beginning of the rebellion than this: that the Northern Church has plunged the country into this civil war; that "political preachers have abolitionized the Church and the people;" that, during the last thirty years, the Northern mind had, under their tutelage chiefly, been educated up to a point of unbearable hostility to slavery; that this has been the course of action in the judgments expressed by leading ecclesiastical bodies; so that the South were actually pushed into their present attitude in pure selfdefence; and that, to defend themselves against modern opinions, led to the disruption of ecclesiastical bodies, and finally to secession and war. These charges have formed the staple of a certain style of oratory upon the stump and in Congress, both from the North and the South, and the substance of many editorials in a certain class of public journals.

Now it so happens that the facts are the precise reverse of this, so far as the action of many of the large bodies of Christians and the opinions of many of the leading men in