the South is not prepared to see her institutions surrounded by enemies, and wither and decay under these hostile influences; if she means to cherish and protect them, it is her bounden duty to resist the revolution which threatens them with ruin. The triumph of the principles which Mr. Lincoln is pledged to carry out, is the death-knell of slavery.*

More exhortations to open resistance are found in this article:

If the South could be induced to submit to Lincoln, the time, we confidently predict, will come when all grounds of controversy will be removed in relation to fugitive slaves, by expunging the provision under which they are claimed. The principle is at work and enthroned in power, whose inevitable tendency is to secure this result. Let us crush the serpent in the egg. * * * We know it to be the fixed determination of them all (the slaveholding States), not to acquiesce in the principles which have brought Mr. Lincoln into power. * * * The evil day may be put off, but it must come. The country must be divided into two people, and the point which we wish now to press upon the whole South, is the importance of preparing at once for this consummation. * * * Conquered we never can be. ** ** * To save the Union is impossible. * * * We prefer peace-but if war must come, we are prepared to meet it with unshaken confidence in the God of battles.

CHARGE OF TREASON ESTABLISHED.

The foregoing is sufficient to show the influence which the powerful pen of Dr. Thornwell gave to secession, when it was yet in its embryo state, with the exception of South Carolina. If these utterances are not,-morally and before God, and by the Constitution and laws,-instinct with treason, then it is difficult to define the term. The Constitution of the United States (" to which," even Dr. Thornwell admits, "these States swore allegiance") says:

*We have shown in previous pages, by documentary proof, that so far from Mr. Lincoln having been "pledged to carry out" any "principles" which would interfere with the rights of the States over slavery, he was "pledged" to do just the contrary; by all the speeches he made and letters he wrote when a candidate, by the platform of the party that nominated him, by his letter of acceptance, by his Inaugural Address, and by all else he said and did.

DRS. THORNWELL, LELAND, AND ADGER.

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"Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort." Dr. Thornwell's writings and speeches show an adherence to the "enemies" of the Government, and were a powerful incitement to the "war" now raging; were so used, and thus gave the most substantial aid and comfort" to rebels in arms,-that of moral countenance and earnest support, the most essential element of success, and without which powder and lead and all other "aid" are worthless.

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But how civil tribunals would regard such a case, is not with us the chief question. By the doctrines of religion, and before the bar of God, he was guilty of one of the highest crimes against the State,-God's own ordinance,which any man can commit. That he was sincere, we do not doubt, but that does not relieve his criminality. He was a minister of the Gospel, of the highest ability and influence. He is largely responsible for bringing the Church, -one of the most powerful elements of society,-to “aid" in the horrid work of treason, rebellion, and war.

DRS. THORNWELL, LELAND, AND ADGER, UPON THE STUMP.

In addition to the power of his pen, Dr. Thornwell gave his eloquent voice to the cause of treason, at a meeting held at the capital of South Carolina, to ratify her secession.

In the North Carolina Presbyterian, of January 5, 1861, is found a letter from "a student of Columbia Seminary," detailing the proceedings of "the great ratification meeting," held at Columbia, "which was called to indorse the action of the Convention." He says: "Many of the clergy were called on to express their views in regard to this important matter. Rev. Drs. Thornwell, Leland, Adger (all Professors in the Theological Seminary), and

Reynolds, and Rev. Messrs. Mullaly and Brecker, addressed the meeting." This shows how early, and how exten sively, the clergy of the South became the open advocates of treason and rebellion. The writer then gives an account chiefly of Dr. Thornwell's speech, as follows:

Dr. Thornwell spoke at some length. He said that he had foreseen, and some time ago predicted, the course which our affairs would take, in case that Lincoln, or any other man with his avowed principles, was elected President. As to the right of secession, he said that he held that the election of Lincoln is equivalent to presenting a new Constitution to the States, and asking them to subscribe to it. Secession is only refusing to abolish the old and adopt the new Constitution now presented to us by the Black Republican party. The avowed principles of this party are not constitutional, and its success in electing the President of the United States upon principles which, if carried into effect, will subvert the National Constitution, and trample it under foot, and set up a sectional one in its stead, is equivalent to putting the question to the States, Will you submit to this new Constitution or not? Secession is the refusal to submit, and is therefore not unconstitutional. The Constitution to which these States swore allegiance has been wrested from us, and something else, gotten up by a sectional party, is presented to us in its stead. He advised that the State act with calmness, caution, and decision, and so demean herself towards her sister Southern States, as to secure, if possible, their co-operation with us. He believed that all our sister Southern States would co-operate with us, and that we would be permitted to withdraw peaceably from the United States. He hoped to see two Republics standing side by side, and becoming all the greater, by the honest rivalry that would exist between them. Rashness and temerity on our part would repel our sister States from us, which are one with us,-one in race, one in institutions, one in interest, and we believe that they should be one in a separate, Southern Confederacy. All the other speeches were of a similar tone, and breathed the same spirit. I think I can safely say, that this report expresses the sentiment of the people of this State.

Dr. Thornwell admits that "the States swore allegiance to the Constitution;" then they violated that "allegiance" by secession.

DR. PALMER AND SENATOR TOOMBS.

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EARLY AID OF REV. B. M. PALMER, D. D.

The influence of Dr. Palmer was publicly given in favo of secession only eight days after Dr. Thornwell's Fast-Day discourse was preached. On the day of the State Thanks giving in Louisiana, the 29th of November, 1860, he preached in New Orleans a discourse (before quoted), ir. which he vehemently urged secession, justifying it on the same ground taken by Dr. Thornwell, the apprehensions of governmental interference with slavery.

DR. PALMER AND THE MISSION OF SENATOR TOOMBS.

We

We have heard related an occurrence of singular significance connected with this Thanksgiving service. cannot personally vouch for its truth, but its authority is said to be the Hon. Miles Taylor, a member of the United States House of Representatives of the Congress of 1860-61, and among the last of the Union members from Louisiana to give up his seat after the secession of that State. The case strongly illustrates the estimate which Southern statesmen had of the ability of the Church to aid the rebellion, the necessity they felt of enlisting the Christian portion of the community in leading the way, and the ready compliance of an eloquent divine with their wishes.

It is well known that a strong Union sentiment existed in Louisiana, and especially in New Orleans, long after secession had carried over other States, and that the vote of the people of Louisiana, when it was finally taken, was actually against secession, and was never officially declared. So important was it deemed to have New Orleans move in the matter early, that Mr. Robert Toombs, of Georgia, still holding his seat in the United States Senate, and occupying it long afterwards, was sent with other distinguished gentlemen on a mission to that be

nighted city, to stir up its sluggish waters. He went and surveyed the ground, canvassing the matter with leading citizens privately, but met with little success. He was about to abandon the field of his missionary enterprise in despair.

At length, it was agreed that Dr. Palmer should be sounded by some of his friends, and it was found that he was willing to break ground publicly. He entered on the work con amore, and preached on Thanksgiving Day. The result is known. Previous to the 29th of November, Mr. Toombs, in the role of a missionary, was likely to prove a sad failure. True, indeed, his native abilities, education, long course of training, and other qualifications for the peculiar work in hand, were of a high order, but he could make no headway, and could scarcely get a congregation to hear his discourses. He had only mistaken his field. He had come among a people where the heresy of fealty to the Union was too deeply rooted for him to eradicate. They abjured this kind of "political preachers." They must first hear the new Gospel, founded on slavery as the chief" corner-stone," from the pulpit rather than the rostrum. Dr. Palmer supplied what Mr. Toombs lacked, and the effect was sudden and wonderful. Mr. Toombs had sown some seed, but Dr. Palmer gathered an immediate harvest. It was found, after the delivery of his sermon, that the secession mania spread like fire in a prairie; a great revival of the spirit of latent treason occurred, and conversions to the new faith were greatly multiplied.

Dr. Palmer's congregation, by far the largest and most influential in the city, were mostly taken by surprise, and some among its leading men at first strongly dissented. But his eloquence, always of a high order of a certain kind, carried the mass of his hearers captive, and the dissentients at length for the most part yielded. His discourse was