and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes."

With that message you served two great functions of the Presidency-those of the teacher and the leader. You related the struggle of the Greek people against armed terrorism to the national security of the United States. You recognized that totalitarian regimes, imposed upon free peoples by direct or indirect aggression, "undermine the foundations of international peace." And you called upon the Congress and the American people to help resist that aggres

sion.

Today America is again engaged in helping to turn back armed terrorism. As in your day, there are those who believe that effort is too costly. As on other occasions during the past twenty years, there are those who counsel us that the stakes are not high enough, nor the danger near enough, to warrant our involvement.

But our people have learned that freedom is not divisible; that order in the world is

vital to our national interest; and that the highest costs are paid not by those who meet their responsibilities, but by those who ignore them.

You helped to teach those lessons, Mr. President. Just as importantly, you had the courage and the determination to put them into practice: in Greece and Turkey, in Berlin, in Korea, and in other parts of the world where today men are free and prospering because of what you did.

March 12th is thus a proud anniversary. Years from now men will still mark this date, and the man whose Doctrine gave it meaning.

With best wishes for your health and happiness.

Devotedly,

LYNDON B. JOHNSON

[The Honorable Harry S. Truman, Independence, Missouri]

NOTE: For President Truman's message to Con-
gress on March 12, 1947, see "Public Papers of the
Presidents, Harry S. Truman, 1947," Item 56.
See also Items 108, 109, below.

TWENTY years ago today, President Harry S. Truman asked the American people to help the Greek nation preserve its freedom. Before a joint session of the Congress, he declared:

"I believe it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures."

The message and the program he conveyed on that historic occasion became known as the Truman Doctrine.

In commemoration of that decisive hour, in thanksgiving for his courage and vision,

and in celebration of the friendship that endures between our peoples, I extend to you and the citizens of Greece my warm greetings and best wishes. In this I am joined by every American who rejoices that Greece. is today free and prospering.

President Truman recognized that the security of the United States was intimately related to that of Greece. He warned our people-who, like yours, had just emerged from a savage conflict with another terrorist aggression-that

"We shall not realize our objectives unless we are willing to help free peoples to main

tain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace and hence the security of the United States."

The American people responded to his call for assistance to a people struggling to be free-and their decision has affected, not only the security of your great nation, but the security of the world for two decades.

I am aware of the sacrifices made by the

Greek people in the past 20 years. I am proud of the fact that throughout that period, the United States and Greece have worked together in close partnership toward common goals. I revere the Greek spirit, that for thousands of years has inspired the world, and that has taught men to cherish freedom above all else in life.

Today we mark a moment in man's long quest for freedom. I salute you and your people on this proud anniversary, and I look forward to a future of continued friendship and cooperation between our nations. LYNDON B. JOHNSON

NOTE: See also Items 107, 109.

ON THE twentieth anniversary of the Truman Doctrine, I extend to you and to the Turkish people my good wishes. Then as now, the American people admire the vitality and the passion for freedom of the Turkish people. Then as now, the United States is proud of its association with the forward-looking Turkish nation.

Turkey has been a sturdy ally in NATO and CENTO. Its men played an unforgettable part with the United Nations forces. which assured that aggression would not succeed in Korea.

With its security assured by its own courage and efforts, united with those of its allies, Turkey has moved forward remarkably in

economic and social development. The vision of a modern Turkey, not only loyal to its own traditions and ambitions, but also a creative part of the world of contemporary science, technology, and industry, has been brought measurably closer to reality.

The visit you will soon be making to the United States affords an opportunity to give added meaning to that association. It will also serve as a symbol of the importance of the partnership of our two great republics. Mrs. Johnson and I are looking forward to welcoming you and Mrs. Sunay.

LYNDON B. JOHNSON

NOTE: See also Items 107, 108.

To the Congress of the United States:

In less than a month, the leaders of the American states will meet in Punta del Este

in Uruguay.

It will be the first such meeting in a decade, and the second ever held, of the

heads of the free nations of our hemispheric system.

This meeting represents another link in the bond of partnership which joins us with more than 230 million neighbors to the south.

The gathering is far more than a symbol of flourishing friendship. Its purpose is a review of the progress we have made together in a great adventure which unites the destinies of all of us. Beyond that it will include a common commitment to the historic and humane next steps we plan to take together.

I look to this meeting with enthusiasm. The peaceful and progressive revolution which is transforming Latin America is one of the great inspirational movements of our time. Our participation in that revolution is a worthy enterprise blending our deepest national traditions with our most responsible concepts of hemispheric solidarity.

THE MEASURE OF PROGRESS

The cooperative spirit between the rest of the Americas and the United States has been building for decades.

The establishment of the Inter-American Development Bank in 1959, and the Act of Bogotá in 1960, under the leadership of President Eisenhower, helped turn that spirit to substance. In those historic compacts the American governments pledged their joint efforts to the development of programs to improve the lives of all the people of Latin America. They provided the impetus for an action taken in 1961 or which the history of the hemisphere has since turned. That action-the Alliance for Progress, which moved dramatically forward under President Kennedy-fused old dreams and fired new. hopes. With its commitment of mutual assistance and self-help programs, it attacked

evils as old as the condition of man-hunger, ignorance and disease.

That Alliance is now six years old.
What can we say of it?

We can say that there is a clear record of progress. Per capita growth rates for Latin America show that more countries have broken the economic stagnation of earlier years. Reform and modernization are advancing as a new wave of managers and technicians apply their skills. There have been steady gains in private, national and foreign investments. Inflation is easing. The struggle for social justice is proceeding.

These are all true. But the statements of progress are more meaningful, and they more realistically reflect the spirit of the Alliance, when they relate to the people for whose lives the Alliance itself was created. Since the Alliance began, and with the funds that we have contributed:

Men, women and children are alive today who would otherwise have died. -100 million people are being protected from malaria. In 10 countries, deaths caused by malaria dropped from 10,810 to 2,280 in three years' time. Smallpox cases declined almost as sharply. -1,200 health centers, including hospitals and mobile medical units, are in operation or soon will be.

For tens of thousands of families, the most fundamental conditions of life are improving. -350,000 housing units have been, or are

now being, built.

-2,000 rural wells and 1,170 portable

water supply systems have been built to benefit some 20 million persons. Children are going to school now who would not have gone before.

-Primary school enrollments have increased by 23%; secondary school enrollments by 50%; university enrollments by 39%.

-28,000 classrooms have been built. -160,000 teachers have been trained or given additional training.

-More than 14 million textbooks have been distributed.

-13 million school children and 3 million pre-schoolers participate in school lunch programs.

Men whose fathers for generations have worked land owned by others now work it as their own.

-16 countries have legislation dealing directly with land reform.

-With U.S. assistance, 1.1 million acres have been irrigated and 106,000 acres reclaimed.

-More than 700,000 agricultural loans

have benefitted 3.5 million people. -15,000 miles of road have been built or improved, many of them farm-to-market access roads.

All of these are heartening facts. But they are only the beginning of the story, and only part of it. Statistics can only suggest the deep human meaning of hope alive now where once none lived. Statistics cannot report the wonder of a child born into a world which will give him a chance to break through the tyranny of indifference which doomed generations before him to lives of bleakness and want and misery.

Nor can they reveal the revolution which has come about in the minds of tens of millions of people when they saw that their own efforts, combined with those of their governments and their friends abroad, could change their lives for the better.

Perhaps most important of all, statistics cannot adequately reflect the emergence of a vigorous, competent and confident new generation of Latin American leaders. These men are determined to see realized in their own time a strong, modern Latin America, loyal to its own traditions and history. They

are men who know that rhetoric and resolutions are no substitute for sustained hard work.

And statistics can never tell us what might have been. They cannot record the shots which might have rung out in the avenidas and plazas of a dozen Latin American cities, but did not—or the howls of angry crowds which might have formed, but did not. The full success of the Alliance for Progress must be sought not only in what has been accomplished but in what has been avoided as well.

Ferment gripped the hemisphere when the Alliance was born. In places throughout the world, terror with its bloodshed sought to redress ancient evils. And in some of these places-in Cuba and half a world away in Southeast Asia-even greater evil followed the thrust of violence. Through their own efforts under the Alliance for Progress, the Latin Americans have transformed the hemisphere into a region of determination and hope.

The United States participation in the Alliance was a bold affirmation of its belief that the true revolution which betters men's lives can be effected peacefully. The Alli ance's six-year record of accomplishments is history's clear testament to the validity of that belief.

It is also a testament to the validity of the underlying principle of self-help. Our sup port has been vitally important to the suc cesses so far achieved. But the commitments and dedication of the Latin American nations themselves to these tasks has been the keystone of that success.

THE TASK BEFORE US

The record of progress only illuminates the work which still must be done if life for the people of this hemisphere is truly to improve-not just for today, but for the

changing years ahead.

Last August, in a statement on the fifth anniversary of the Alliance for Progress, I described the challenge in these terms:

"If present trends continue, the population of this hemisphere will be almost 1 billion by the year 2000. Two-thirds-some 625 million-will live in Latin America. Whatever may be done through programs to reduce the rate of population growth, Latin America faces a vast challenge.

"Farm production, for instance, should increase by 6 percent every year, and that will be double the present rate.

"At least 140 million new jobs will need to be created.

"Over a million new homes should be built each year.

"More than 175,000 new doctors need to be trained to meet the very minimum requirements.

"Hundreds of thousands of new classrooms should be constructed.

"And annual per capita growth rates should increase to the range of 4 to 6 percent. "These requirements, added to the demands of the present, mean that new sights must be set, that new directions and renewed drive must be found if we are to meet the challenge, if we are to move forward."

It is with these sober problems confronting us that the leaders of the American states will meet at Punta del Este.

PILLARS OF PROGRESS

Our governments have been hard at work for months preparing for this meeting.

Our concern has centered on the question of how we can speed the development process in Latin America. We know that growth and trade are interacting forces. We know that they depend on the free move

ment of products, people and capital. We know they depend on people who are healthy and educated. We know that these conditions contain the seeds of prosperity for all of us.

Further, based on our joint experience so far under the Alliance, we know that the future progress of the hemisphere must rest on four strong pillars:

1. Elimination of Barriers to Trade

Civilization in most of Latin America followed along the coastal rim of the continent. Today the centers of population are concentrated here. Vast inner frontiers lie remote and untouched, separated from each other by great rivers, mountains, forests and deserts. Simón Bolívar saw these natural barriers as major obstacles to trade and communication and to his dream of a single great Latin American republic.

Because of them, Latin American countries for a century and a half tended to look outward for their markets to Europe and the United States.

Now they are looking inward as well. They see the same barriers, but they see them as less formidable. They are confident that with modern technology they can be overcome. Now with projects set in motion by the Alliance for Progress, men are beginning to carve roads along the slopes of the Andes, push bridges across the rushing rivers, connect power grids, extend pipelines and link the overland national markets.

The barriers of nature symbolize obstructions every bit as restrictive as the artificial trade barriers that men erect. The work to remove them both must proceed together.

Latin American leaders have seen the very real threat of industrial stagnation in the high tariff barriers they have erected against their commerce with each other. They see economic integration as indis