In also the richest in undeveloped resources. And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. Place it between the now free and slave country, or place it south of Kentucky, or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and none north of it can trade to any port or place south of it except upon terms dictated by a Government foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and south, are indispensable to the well-being of the people inhabiting, and to inhabit, this vast interior region. Which of the three may be the best is no proper question. All are better than either; and all of right belong to that people, and to their successors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to and through them, to the great outside world. They, too, and each of them, must have access to this Egypt of the West without paying toll at the crossing of any national boundary. Our national strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the land we inhabit; not from our national homestead. There is no possible severing of this, but would_multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation. In fact it would, ere long, force reunion, however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains to ourselves-to the passing generations of men; and it can, without convulsion, be hushed forever with the passing of one generation. which shall abolish the same therein, at any time, or times, before the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall receive compensation from the United States, as follows, to wit: "The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of - per cent. per annum, to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of for each slave shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the United States, said bonds to be delivered to such States by instalments, or in one parcel, at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been gradual, or at one time, within such State; and interest shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and afterwards reintroducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall refund to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and all interest paid thereon. "ARTICLE. All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances of the war at any time before the end of the rebellion, shall be forever free; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, shall be compensated for them, at the same rates as is provided for States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall be twice accounted for. "ARTICLE. Congress may appropriate money and otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons, with their own consent, at any place or places without the United States." I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some length. Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed; without slavery it could not continue. Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery, and the African race among us. Some would perpetuate slavery; some would abolish it suddenly, and without compensation; some would abolish it gradually, and with compensation; some would remove the freed people from us, and some would retain them with us; and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversities, we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves. By mutual concession we should harmonize and act together. This would be compromise; but it would be compromise among the friends, and not with the enemies of the Union. These articles are intended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipation will follow, at least, in several of the States. As to the first article, the main points are: first, the emancipation; secondly, the length of time for consummating it-thirty-seven years; and, thirdly, the compensation. The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual slavery; but the length of time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden derangement-in fact, from the necessity of any derangement-while most of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the measure will have passed away before its consummation. They will never see it. Another class will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate the length of time They will feel that it gives too little to the now living slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves them from the vagrant desti"Releed by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, (two tution which must largely attend immediate thirds of both Houses concurring,) That the following emancipation in localities where their numbers articles be proposed to the Legislatures (or conventions) of are very great; and it gives the inspiring asthe several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which articles when ratified surance that their posterity shall be free forby three fourths of the said Legislatures (or conventions) ever. The plan leaves to each State, choosing to be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, to nct under it, to abolish slavery now or at the end of the century or at any intermediate time In this view, I recommend the adoption of the following resolution and articles amendatory to the Constitution of the United States: namely: "ARTICLE. Every State, wherein slavery now exists, or by degrees, extending over the whole or any part of the period; and it ob iges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and generally, the mode of making it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the mpensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay, and not to receive, will object. Yet the measure is both just and economical. In a certain sense, the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property-property acquired by descent, or by purchase, the same as any other property. It is no less true for having been often said, that the people of the South are not more responsible for the ori-eral of our States are already above the average ginal introduction of this property than are the people of the North; and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the South has been more responsible than the North for its continuance. If, then, for a common object, this property is to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at a common charge? But such is not our condition. We have two million nine hundred and sixty-three thousand square miles. Europe has three million and eight hundred thousand, with a population averaging seventy-three and one third persons to the square mile. Why may not our country, at some time, average as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste surface, by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes ? Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advantage? If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon? As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present; as to when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union. Sevof Europe-seventy-three and a third to the square mile. Massachusetts has 157; Rhode Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each, 80. Also two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the former having 63 and the latter 59. The States already above the European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio, since passing that point, as ever before; while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural capacity for sustaining a dense population. Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and ratio of increase, for the several decennial periods, to be as follows: 1790 3,929,827 1800.... 1810. 46 66 5,305,937 35.02 per cent. ratio of increase. 7,239,814 35.45 66 1820............... 66 9,638,131 33.13 1830............... 12,866,020 33.49 1840.. .......... 17,069,453 32.67 1850............... 23,191,876 35.87 31,443,790 35.58 1860 66 66 66 66 This shows an average decennial increase of 34 69 per cent. in population through the seventy years from our first to our last census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase, at no one of these seven periods, is either two per cent. below or two per cent. above the average; thus showing how inflexible, and, consequently, how reliable, the law of increase, in our case, is. Assuming that it will continue, gives the following results: And if, with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical to do it? Let as consider it then. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war since compensated emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether, if that measure had been promptly accepted, by even some of the slave States, the same sum would not have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and, in that view, would be a prudent and economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing; but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when we are able, than it is to pay it before we are able. The war requires large sums, and requires them at once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated emancipation of course would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds, even, any faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not, and pro-1880............................................................. 56,967,216 bably would not, close before the end of the 1890. thirty-seven years. At that time we shall 1900... probably have a hundred million people to 1920.................................................................................................................... 186,984,335 share the burden, instead of thirty-one millions, as now. And not only so, but the increase of our population may be expected to continue for a long time after that period as rapidly as before; because our territory will not have become full. I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase which we have maintained, on an average, from our first national census in 1790, until that of 1860, we should, in 1900, have a population of 103,208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that period? Our abun dant room-our broad national homestead-is our ample resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly our population could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born, as now, we should be compelled to send part of the native born away. 42,323,341 76,677,872 103,208,415 1930... 251,680,914 These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some point between 1920 and 1930-say about 1925-our territory, at seventy-three and a third persons to the square mile, being of capacity to contain 217,186,000. And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the chance by the folly and evils of disunion, or by long and exhausting war springing from the only great element of national discord among us. While it cannot be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, civilization, and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and injurious. The proposed emancipation would shortem the war, perpetuate peace, insure this increase | ple would surely not do more than their old proof population, and proportionately the wea th portion of it, and, very probably, for a time would of the country. With these, we should pay do less, leaving an increased part to white laall the emancipation wou d cost, together with borers, bring their labor into greater demand, our other debt, easier than we should pay our and consequently enhancing the wages of it. other debt without it. If we had allowed our With deportation, even to a limited extent, enold national debt to run at six per cent. per hanced wages to white labor is mathematically annum, simple interest, from the end of our certain. Labor is like any other commodity in revolutionary struggle until to-day, without the market-increase the demand for it and paying anything on either principal or interest, you increase the price of it. Reduce the supeach man of us would owe less upon that debt ply of black labor by colonizing the black lanow than each man owed upon it then; and borer out of the country, and by precisely so this because our increase of men through the much you increase the demand for and wages whole period has been greater than six per of white labor. cent.; has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus, time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt. This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly due; but it shows the great importance of time in this connection-the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we number a hundred millions, what, by a different policy, we would have to pay now, when we number but thirty-one millions. In a word, it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both. As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to return to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in the property sense, belong to loyal owners, and hence provision is made in this article for compensating such. The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does not oblige, but merely authorizes, Congress to aid in colonizing such as may consent. This ought not to be regarded 83 objectionable on the one hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing, unless by the mutual consent of the people to be deported, and the American voters, through their representatives in Congress. I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I strongly favor colonization. And yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth, and cover the whole land? Are they not already in the land? Will liberatior make them any more numerous? Equally dis tributed among the whites of the whole country, and there would be but one colored to seven whites. Could the one, in any way, greatly disturb the seven? There are many communities now, having more than one free colored p rson to seven whites; and this, without any apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District of Columbia, and the States of Maryland and Delaware, are all in this condition. The District has more than one free colored to six whites; and yet, in its frequent petitions to Congress, I believe it has never presented the presence of free colored persons as one of its grievances. But why should emancipation south, send the freed people north? People, of any color, seldom run, unless there be something to run from. Heretofore colored people, to some extent, have fled north from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be procured; and the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their labor for the wages, till new homes can be found for them, in congenial climes, and with people of their own blood and race. proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And, in any event, cannot the North decide for itself, whether to receive them? This Again, as practice proves more than theory, in any case, has there been any irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of slavery in this District last spring? What I have said of the proportion of free from the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called contrabands, nor to those made free by the act of Congress abolishing slavery The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its adoption. It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white la-colored persons to the whites in the District is borers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present men should utter nothing for which they would not will-here. ingly be responsible through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored people can displace any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves? If they stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; if they leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically, there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and, very surely would not reduce And, notwithstanding this plan, the recomthem. Thus, the customary amount of labor mendation that Congress provide by law for would still have to be performed; the freed peo- | compensating any State which may adopt eman Nor will the war, nor proceedings under the proclamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay both. cipation before this plan shall have been acted | save the Union. This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of but additional to all others for restoring and preserving the national authority throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in its economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more speedily, and maintain it more permanently, than can be done by force alone; while all it would cost, considering amounts, and manner of payment, and times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the war, if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would cost no blood at all. The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It cannot become such without the concurrence of, first, two thirds of Congress, and afterwards, three fourths of the States. The requisite three fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the the new constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now, and save the Union forever. I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the nation. Nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me, you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display. can The world knows we do know We-even we here-hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free-honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just—a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. COMPENSATED EMANCIPATION IN MISSOURI. Third Session, Thirty-Seventh Congress. 1863, Jan. 6-Mr. NOELL, of Missouri, from the Select Committee, reported a bill, providing that the following propositions be submitted to the State of Missouri to be accepted or rejected by the Legislature or people thereof: 1. The Government of the United States will, upon the passage by said State of a good and valid act of emancipa hereinafter named, and to be irrepealable unless by the tion of all the slaves therein, to take effect within the period consent of the United States, apply the sum of $10,000,000, in United States bonds, redeemable in thirty years from the rate of five per cent. per annum, for the purpose of their date, and bearing interest, payable semi-annually, at paying to the loyal owners of such slaves in said State a just compensation for the loss of the services of such slaves; of the Treasury, under such rules and regulations as he the said bonds to be prepared and issued by the Secretary may prescribe to make effective the provisions of this act. 2. That in the event of the adoption by the said State of abolishment of slavery therein, as hereinbefore provided, the Government of the United States will employ all rea sonable means for the deportation of such of said emanci pated slaves, and for their settlement or colonization in thereto, so soon as and whenever proper negotiations can some place outside of the United States, as may consent be made with any country for such settlement or colonization in a congenial climate, or within a reasonable time thereafter. delivered to the Governor of Missouri when the President shall be satisfied that a valid act of immediate emancipation shall have been passed by the Legislature, irrepealable without the consent of the United States, and within one year from Jan. 1, 1863. Mr. HOLMAN moved to lay the bill on the table; which was lost-yeas 42, nays 73. An unimportant amendment was made, when Mr. PENDLETON moved to lay the bill on the table; which was lost-yeas 44, nays 72. Mr. CRAVENS then moved that the House ad The semi-annual interest to be payable, and the bonds reIs it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, deemable out of moneys to be hereafter appropriated by if adopted, would shorten the war, and thus Congress, and to be reimbursed to the United States Treas lessen its expenditure of money and of blood?ury from the property of rebels confiscated, and no part of the money to be paid to persons who have, at any time Is it doubted that it would restore the national engaged in or in any manner aided in the rebellion, or held authority and national prosperity, and perpet-office under the Confederate States, &c. The bonds to be uate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we here-Congress and Executive-can secure its adoption? Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects? We can succeed only by concert. It is not "" any of us imagine better?" but " can we all do better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs "can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think YEAS-Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Ashley, Babbitt, Baker, Baxanew and act anew. We must disenthrall our-ter, Bingham, Jacob B. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Burnham, Campbell, Chamberlain, Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe Conkling, Covode, Duell, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Fenton, Samuel C. Fessenden, Thomas A. D. Fessenden, Fisher, Franchot, Gooch, Goodwin, Hale, Harrison. Hickman, Hooper, Horton, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Lansing, Lehman, Loomis, Lovejoy, Low, McKean, McKnight, McPherson, Maynard, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Noell, Olin, Patton, Timothy G. Phelps, Pike, Pomeroy, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, James S. Rollins, Sargent, Sedgwick, Shanks, Sheffield, Shellabarger, Sherman, Spaulding, Stevens, Benjamin F. Thomas, Train, Trowbridge, Van Horn, *See resolutions of Convention, supra. selves, and then we shall save our country. Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We, of this Congress and this Administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to journ; which was lost-yeas 19, nays 82. When the bill passed-yeas 83, nays 50, as follows: Van Valkenburgh, Verreo, Walker, Wall, Wallace, Wheeler, NAYS-Messrs. William Allen, Ancona, Baily, Biddle, Cal- IN SENATE. January 14-Mr. TRUMBULL, from the Committee on the Judiciary, reported a substitute as follows: That whenever satisfactory evidence shall be presented to the President of the United States that the State of Missouri has adopted a valid and constitutional law, ordinance, | or other provision for the gradual or immediate emancipation of all the slaves therein, and the exclusion of slavery forever thereafter from said State, it shall be his duty to propere and deliver to the Governor of said State, as hereifter provided, to be used by said State to compensate for the inconveniences produced by such change of system, bons of the United States to the amount of $20,000,000, the same to bear interest at the rate of five per cent. per annum, ani payable thirty years after the date thereof: Provided, That the said bonds shall not be delivered as herein directed unless the act of emancipation shall be adopted by Bi State within twelve months after the passage of this act, nor unless said act shall provide that slavery or involuutary servitude within said State, except in punishment of crime, shall forever cease and determine on some day not later then the 4th day of July, 1876, and never afterwards be introduced therein: And provided further, That said bonds in their aggregate amount shall not exceed the sum of $500 for each slave emancipated under the provisions of this act and the act of emancipation to be passed in the State of Missouri in pursuance thereof, not including any slave who shall be introduced into said State subsequently to the passage of this act, or has been emancipated or shall become free under the provisions of an act entitled "An act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862. SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That in the event of the adoption by said State of an act or ordinance for the abolition of slavery therein, as hereinbefore provided, the President shall, from time to time, as they may be required, canse bonds to be prepared and delivered, as aforeBad, in such amounts as may be necessary to pay for each shave made free under the provisions of this act, and the act to be passed by the State of Missouri in pursuance thereof, not to exceed an average of 300; said bonds to be delivered only as said slaves are made free, and in the agregate not to exceed $20,000,000; and not to exceed $10.000.000, unless the law or act of emancipation to be adopted by said State shall provide for the full and perfect manumsion of all the slaves therein on or before the 4th day of July, A. D. 1865, and the future exclusion of the system of slavery from the State forever thereafter. Bic. 3. And be it further enacted, That upon the enactment of a law by said State referring to this act, accepting its provisions and adopting laws for the ultimate extinction of slavery therein, the faith of the United States and of the said State will be pledged to carry out the terms of the Compact thus created: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall prevent the State from making at any time such alterations or amendments in its emancipation laws as do not conflict with this act, or such as shall only decrease the time during which slavery may exist in the said State. Feb. 7-Mr. WILSON, of Missouri, offered the following amendment: That the said bonds shall not be delivered as herein directed unless the act of emancipation shall be adopted by said State within three years after the passage of this act. Striking out "twelve months" and inserting "three years;" which was disagreed to-yeas 8, nays 27, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Kennedy, Nesmith, Powell, Richardson, Wall, Wilson of Missouri-8. NATS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harding, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Hicks, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Willey, Wilmot, Wilson of Massachusetts -2. Mr. WILSON, of Missouri, moved to strike out the provision limiting the amount to be paid for each slave, as follows: amount shall not exceed the sum of $300 for each slave And provided further, That said bonds in their aggregate emancipated under the provisions of this act and the act of emancipation to be passed by the State of Missouri in pursuance thereof. Which was disagreed to-yeas 9, nays 27, as follows: Rice, Wall, Willey, Wilson of Missouri-9. NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Colle Mr. POWELL moved to strike out of the first section the words "not to exceed $20,000,000," and insert "$11,000,000;" which was disagreed to-yeas 13, nays 22, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, Clark, Collamer, Davis, Fessenden, Grimes, Harding, Harlan, Lane of Indiana, Nesmith, Powell, Rice, Wall-13. little, Foot, Foster, Harris, Henderson, Howard, King, Lane NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Dixon, Dooof Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, Wilmot, Wilson of Massachusetts, Wilson of Missouri-22. Mr. WILSON, of Missouri, offered the following amendment: And be it further enacted, That no part of the bonds herein specified shall be delivered until the act of the Legis lature or the Constitutional Convention of the State of Missouri providing for the emancipation of the slaves in said State shall be submitted to a vote of the people and approved by a majority of the legal voters of said State. Which was disagreed to-yeas 13, nays 27, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, Davis, Harding, Kennedy, Nesmith, Powell, Rice, Richardson, Saulsbury, Turpie, Wall, Willey, Wilson of Missouri-13. NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Harlan, Harris, Henderson, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilmot, Wilson of Massachusetts 27. Mr. SUMNER offered an amendment to strike out "seventy-six," in the first section, and insert "sixty-four," making the act to take effect on the 4th of July, 1864; which was disagreed to-yeas 11, nays 26, as follows: ana, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Rice, Sumner, Wade, WilYEAS-Messrs. Fessenden, Grimes, Harlan, Lane of Indimot, Wilson of Massachusetts-11. Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Foot, Foster, Harding, Harris, HenNAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, Cowan, derson, Howard, Howe, King, Latham, Morrill, Nesmith, Powell, Sherman, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wall, Willey, Wil son of Missouri-26. February 12-Mr. SUMNER offered the following amendment : That said bonds, in their aggregate amount, shall not exceed the sum of $200 for each slave emancipated. Which was agreed to-yeas 19, nays 17, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Carlile, Clark, Collamer, Fessenden, Grimes, Pomeroy, Rice, Sherman, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkin- son, Foster, Harris, Henderson, Hicks, Howard, Latham, Mc- NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Cowan, Dixon, Doolittle, Missouri-17. Mr. SUMNER offered an amendment to strike out of the first section the word "gradual," making the operation of emancipation imme |