The Political History of the United States of America, During the Great Rebellion: Including a Classified Summary of the Legislation of the Second Session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, the Three Sessions of the Thirty-seventh Congress, the First Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, with the Votes Thereon, and the Important Executive, Judicial, and Politico-military Facts of that Eventful Period; Together with the Organization, Legislation, and General Proceedings of the Rebel Administration; and an Appendix Containing the Principal Political Facts of the Campaign of 1864, a Chapter on the Church and the Rebellion, and the Proceedings of the Second Session of the Thirty-eighth Congress
Philp & Solomons, 1865 - United States - 653 pages
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the word found by google to be buaelon was actually a hyphenated word because of being on split lines, of persuasion
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action adopted agreed amendment Amos Myers appointed arms army arrest authority bill Blair Brown called cause Charles citizens civil claim Clark command Committee Confederate Congress considered Constitution Convention Court Davis Department directed district duty Edward election enemy Executive existing fact Federal follows force Francis fugitive give Government Harris held House interest issued James John Johnson judge Kellogg labor Lane Legislature loyal majority March means ment military Morrill moved nays NAYS-Messrs necessary North object offered officers opinion Orlando Kellogg party passed peace persons present President proclamation proper proposed protection question reason rebel rebellion received Representatives resolution Resolved respect Rice Secretary secure Senate slavery slaves South Southern Steele territory thereof Thomas tion Union United Virginia vote Washburne Washington whereas White whole Wilson YEAS-Messrs
Page 231 - And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward shall be free...
Page 109 - At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government upon vital questions, affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.
Page 91 - That the Constitution, and all Laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within the United States...
Page 226 - We, even we here, hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless.
Page 110 - If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth 292 and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.
Page 109 - Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you.
Page 137 - Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration.
Page 127 - And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. It presents to the whole family of man the question whether a constitutional republic or democracy — a government of the people by the same people — can or cannot maintain its territorial integrity against its own domestic foes.
Page 180 - Texas by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by the powers vested in the marshals by law...
Page 232 - I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so; and I have no inclination to do so.