\ great services, rendered to our once happy, The Female, Union Society of Ashton-un- JOSH. JOHNSON. MR. WADSWORTH'S LETTER. Leeds, 7 Dec. 1819. DEAR SIR-May it please you, in behalf of the Reformers of Leeds, to accept the accompanying address as a proof of our sincere attachment to you, and of our admiration of your matchless skill, wisdom, industry, integrity, and perseverance in the cause of Reform; also, as a token and pledge of our devotion to our country's weal. May we be permitted to say, that it is our fixed determination not to relax one single effort in the good cause, until we see corruption not only in her dying agonies, but freedom, and consequently happiness, reign in our beloved country. Wishing you and your family health and prosperity, in behalf of the Leeds Reformers, I remain yours sincerely, JAMES WADSWORTH. Accept my best thanks for the kind manner in which you have communicated to me marks of approbation and esteem which will ever remain deeply engraveu upon my heart. It is only in times like the present that men really come at a knowledge of each other's worth. Such times have, indeed, their troubles and anxieties; but they have also their pleasures; they put in motion feelings which would remain dormant under the ordıdinary circumstances of life; and they draw forth, within a short period, more to do honour to man than an age of ordinary life would draw, forth. I feel the full force of these truths at present; and you may be assured, that, so far from repiuing at my lot, I congratulate myself on having lived, and of living, in these times. 1 experience as much as any man, the inconveniencies of them; but I have an ample compensation, and, indeed, a compensation far beyond what any single man can merit in the unbought and really, unexpected marks of honour which I have recently received. never despair. Let us, Gentlemen, Let us stand firm to our principles. We have nothing to concede; because we have never demanded any thing beyond that which the law and Constitution of our forefathers give us. I will never acknowledge that the people of England have their right, till, taxation and representation are inseparable; till we have what we have always meaned by the words Universal Suffrage. But, at the same time, I am for rejecting nothing that is tendered; I am for receiving any thing, as I would receive a shilling or a penny, in part payment of a guinea. I am no system-monger, and I wish to lead nobody into a love of abstract propositions. Give me the thing we want and I care not a straw about the names that it bears. One thing, as to the nature, or rather, manner, of the Reform, I beg leave to mention; and that is, that I never have approved of any plan for cutting up the country into new divisions. It has very suitable divisions now; and all that we want, is a real representation of the people, of the whole of the people, in the Coinmons' House of Parliament. I will quarrel with nobody about districts and ballot boxes, or any thing of the sort. I will never refuse the substance for the sake of securing the shadow. The interest, the immediate and pressing interest, of the nobility and the landed gentlemen, so imperiously calls upon them to take part with us, without delay, that I can hardly bring myself to believe that they will long continue to take part against us. They have been asleep: but, one would think, the schemes now on float, carinot fail to awaken them. They must surely now see what the projects of the stock jobbers and loan jobbers tend towards; if they do not, they will open their eyes when it will be too late. For our parts, as far as our Interests are concerned, a Reform of the House of Commons is all that we want; and, if a great division should take place, as I am sure it must, between the land and the scrip, I am for joining with those, let them be who they may, who are for Parliamentary Reform; that measure being, in my opinion, absolutely necessary to restore the People to happiness, to preserve the throne in security, and to perpetuate the fame and power of the Kingdom. With sentiments of the most sincere regard, and most profound gratitude, I remain, Gentlemen, TO CORRESPONDENTS.-1 find the old way of robbing me has been resorted to, by post letters. I have been robbed in this way, since my return, of twelve or fifteen pounds. I must therefore beg that all letters to me may be post-paid, and, for the present sent to Mr. Dolby's. I hope every body will see the propriety of this. I cannot take one without taking all, by which I should be paying no inconsiderable tax. The orders to the Publisher must likewise be paid. We get into endless confusion without some regulation of this sort. Indeed, it is absolutely necessary to self-preservation. Of course, orders for the PAPER, must contain the usual reference in Town for payment, which is required by news-men. Gntered at Stationers' Hall. COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER. 545] LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 6, 1820. 546 "THESE ARE THE TIMES THAT TRY "MEN'S SOULS! The sunshine patriot "will, in this crisis, shrink from the ser"vice of his country; but he that stands "it NOW, deserves the thanks of man "and woman. Corruption, like hell, is "not easily conquered: yet we have this "consolation with us, that the harder "the conflict, the more glorious the tri"umph. What we obtain too cheaply, COBBETT'S FUND FOR REFORM. ( ninety-nine times out of a hundred, owing, much less to any other quality, to any other virtue, than that of perseverance. When defeat takes place, final and complete defeat, it is generally owing to a yielding at that very moment when a little longer perseverance and a little more of exertion, would have secured complete success. I have at present to address you upon a subject of the greatest importance to us all. I shall, before I conclude, propose to you the raising of a Fund to be employed by me for the benefit of our cause, which is the most righteous that ever called forth the good wishes of mankind. It is the cause of freedom, of justice, of humanity: to maintain it is the duty of every father and mother towards their children, and of every son and daughter towards their parents. we esteem too lightly; it is dearness "only that gives every thing its value. "Heaven knows how to set a proper "price upon its goods; and it would be "strange indeed, if so celestial an arti"cle as freedom should not be highly "rated." PAINE'S CRISIS, No. II. TO THE REFORMERS OF ENGLAND, Botley, December 31, 1819. FRIENDS AND FELLOW COUNTRYMEN, The struggle, in which we have so long been engaged, has now assumed a new aspect; and we must be prepared for new exertions; for, as to yielding, I am very sure that that has never, for one moment, entered into your hearts. If you look back into the history of our country, you will find that the struggles for freedom have generally been of long duration. The people have always met with reverses at the out-set; but they have always triumphed in the end. Victory is, " I have just received an Address from the City of Bath. The gentlemen " with who sign that Address say: " mingled emotions of surprise and "esteem we have beheld you, Sir, " with one arm resting on the lap of " Columbia, and with the other reach"ing across the Atlantic, tear the " mask from the monster, and strike "that monster to the earth." 1 beg the gentlemen who have sent me that Printed by H. HAY, 11, Newcastle Street, Strand, for T. DOLBY, 299, Strand on the lap of Columbia" I should still have rested. But there I could not remain when the moment arrived that, as I thought, made it my duty to return amongst you. When I have been pressed by persons on this side of the Atlantic to return, I have always, until last Summer, answered, that it was my opinion that the struggle in England would not end without a Address, first, to accept of my grateful | man, resolved never to abandon the thanks; and second, to be assured, cause of his country under any cirthat their entreaty to me to persevere cumstances that could possibly arise. was not necessary; for that it is my I employed my time there as I had resolution to persevere in my endea- done here, in endeavours to serve the vours to accomplish the restoration of cause of my suffering countrymen. If the happiness and prosperity of the I could have been content with an country as long as I have a hand or easy and happy life amongst excellent tongue to move. I am very proud neighbours and innumerable friends, to know that millions of my countrymen have set a high and, I trust, a just value upon those exertions which I made during my absence from England. The whole thing taken together is, indeed, a most striking instance of what industry and zeal united with talent are able to accomplish. Nothing could be so prudent, nothing shows so much devotion to the cause as my traversing | CENSORSHIP on the Press; and, the Atlantic, taking up my abode on you have, doubtless, perceived that it the borders of the sea, and from that was said, lately, in Parliament, that a distance really and truly carrying on Censorship was actually under conthe war against Corruption by the templation before the Parliament met! means of a weekly publication printed A Censorship is this: that nothing at in London. You must all know, that all can be published, unless it be first if I had chosen to become a citizen of read and approved of by officers apthe United States, of which my eldest pointed by Government! This thing son and eldest daughter are natives, existed in France before the Revoluhaving been born in Philadelphia a tion; but it does not exist there now. little more than twenty years ago; We are not quite come to this yet; you must all know that the exertion but so fully was I persuaded that there of my talents upon that scene would would be a Censorship established have brought me wealth in abundance. whenever I should return to England, But, so attached was I to your cause, that I was resolved not to return until that I never upon any occasion did I had sent home all that I still thought any act or uttered any word other wanting to make the people comthan those which became an English-pletely enlightened as to the causes of their misertes, and as to the reme- | ertion worthy of virtuous men engaged dies that ought to be applied. When in the cause of freedom; and an exerI had done that, I came off; and, tion which I am well satisfied would though there is not a Censorship to not fail to give to that cause a commeet me, I will not answer for the plete and glorious triumph. absence of it for six months to come. But, before I come to a more parLet us, therefore, be active while we ticular description of the measure that can convey our thoughts to one I have to propose; of this new meaanother. Let us lose not a moment. sure; of this new means of carrying If you do your part, I will do mine. on the struggle for the rights and I like, exceedingly, the language of liberties of our country: before I prothe Address from the City of Bath: Iceed to be more particular as to the admire the spirit which it breathes: I approve of every word of it: but, my good friends, you will give me credit for necessary caution in declining to insert it here. By exposing ourselves to destruction we only gratify our enemies. This Address, however, shall see the light. I have already sent off a copy of it to my son at New York, there to be published and there it will be read with admiration; for every good man in the world feels an interest in our cause. I shall receive copies of it printed in America; and I will take care to forward one copy to each of the first ten gentlemen whose names are subscribed to the manuscript sent to me. Acting upon the suggestion and still more upon the spirit of this Address, I am now about to propose to the Reformers of England, Scotland and Ireland to make an exertion of a new kind; an exertion which is called for by the present cincumstances; an ex mode of putting this measure into execution, suffer me to lay before you, in an abridged state, the new means by which the cause of Reform is now to be combated. It is notorious that our country is plunged into the depth of misery: it is acknowledged within the walls of Parliament itself, that distress prevails every where. That it reaches from the Highlands of Scotland and from the north of Ireland to the Land's End in Cornwall. Misery stares us in the face, look which way we will. And, the Government itself stands aghast, acknowledging that it has no power to afford assistance, and that we must be left to time, which, as you well know, has, for the last five years, done nothing for us but carry us along from ruin to misery and from misery to starvation. In the midst of all this we have, in the most respectful and humble manner, submitted our case to the Parliament and to the Throne: we have prayed for a reduction of ex 1 pences. We have prayed that a part, at least, of our burthens may cease; and we have prayed that we, who pay so large a portion of the taxes, and whose persons have been called forth to defend the country in time of war, may, according to the maxims of the Constitution, be permitted to share in the choosing of those who are to dispose of the fruits of our labour and to make laws affecting our lives. We have not proceeded in the way of violence; we have resorted neither to force nor to threats of force; we have maintained our rights by plain statements of fact and by fair and solid argument. And how have we been answered? The six Acts of Parliament, which have just been passed, contain the answer which we have received: and, to the intent, meaning and objects of those Acts, I now beg leave to call your undivided attention, for, it is necessary for you to see clearly all the circumstances with which we are now surrounded: all the perils in which we are placed, in order, that you may be able fairly to judge of the necessity of the new measure which I am about to propose. The first of these Acts is called the Training Act. It sets out with asserting that men have assembled, in some parts of the Kingdom, clandestinely and unlawfully, to practice military training and exercise, to the great terror and alarm of his Majesty's peaceable and loyal subjects! And it then enacts that every person who shall be a trainer in this way shall be transported for any term not exceeding seven years, or shall be imprisoned for a term not exceeding two years; and that every person who shall be drilled or trained or come for the pur. pose of being so drilled or trained, shall be punished by fine and imprisonment not exceeding two years. Any justice of the peace, constable or peace-officer, or any other person acting in their aid are empowered to disperse men assembled for training, and to arrest and detain any person present. And any justice of the peace may at once commit any person so arrested, unless such person can give sufficient bail for his appearance to take his trial at the next assizes or quarter sessions. - Upon this Act it is necessary to make no other remark than this; that is to say, that times are strangely altered since we were called upon, the whole mass of us, to make ourselves perfect in military exercise! It is said to be a prerogative of the King to call upon all his subjects to come forth in defence of the country; and, would they not be much more efficient if they were all previously taught military movements and evolutions! You can all remember when the school-boys all over the kingdom used to march about with flags and drums, and when little misses used to be got up to present little banners to them about the size of a |