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that men of money run from the country as the cats and rats and mice ran from my house, a month ago, when the roof of it was on fire. These gentry were in the lower parts; but, they knew that the fire would reach them at last. Such is the foresight which now drives away the fat "Gavalary" men, and sends them across the seas in search of safety.

weavers in Lancashire eat de-a state of horrible misery; and lightful bacon at sixpence a pound, and pay for it in cotton goods? But, only observe, that a day-labourer receives here a dollar a day all the year round, and has his bacon at sixpence a pound. That is, nine pounds of bacon, smoked bacon, young bacon, finely fatted, salted and dried; nine pounds of this meat for a day's work. And the farmer as well able to give it as a "Gavalary" man is able to give one pound of bacon. But, then, here are no sinecure placemen; no pensioned lords and ladies; no Old George Roses, that have sucked up half a million 'each, the interest of which the people have to pay. Take away these burdens, in England, and the people there will not have to envy the Americans.

Corn Laws must always be foolish. They must, in the end, defeat their object; for, if they enable the grower of corn to pay taxes, they must, in the same degree, disable somebody else; while their effect is invariably to injure the man who works for his bread. But, the Borough villains conceit that, by making corn highpriced, they get more rent, and that the farmers are better able to pay them their pensions and their creditors the interest of their Debt, their big Debt, which they have the impudence to call the nation's Debt. Thus they deceive themselves. And they wonder how it is, that, whether corn be dear or cheap, the nation is still in

This state of things is, you will observe, at a time, when all ought to be ease and prosperity; a time of profound peace. Since May, 1815, there has been no war. Thus we have already had four years of assumed tranquillity, with no possible enemy, in any part of the world; and, with only one excерtion, four years of abundant harvests. Yet is the misery such as never was before witnessed in any country in the world; and, without a blowing up of the infernal bubble, this misery must not only continue; but must increase. There are no means of lessening the misery other than that of putting an end to the system. The active, the productive, part of the nation, must continue to become more and more feeble. A system, which is supported by taking the bread from those who labour, and giving it to them who do not labour; must necessarily produce a diminution of the wealth and resources of a people; because those who labour, are, by such an unjust and cruel system, rendered less dis

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posed and less able to labour. feelings, of such a man, lead him

Why should a man labour, if, by his labouring he never can obtain a sufficiency of food? And this is now the case with the people of England. The tyrants have so contrived it, that the hale young man shall not receive enough to support him as he ought to be supported. They have so managed matters as to obtain labour for the smallest portion of food that can be given short of producing the immediate death of the labourer. In such a state of things men must be beneath the brutes not to desire to avoid labour. And the labourers have that desire. Their object is to keep themselves from slarving. To get food enough to keep them alive. And, if they can get it without labour, so much the better for them. Why should they wish to labour; seeing that they cannot, do what they will, obtain any thing more than enough to keep them from dying?

to adopt any means within his power to obtain that which he regards as being unjustly detained from him. Does such a man reason falsely, and does he act unjustly? Nobody can deny, that, in a state of nature, every man has a right to take whatever he wants, if he can find it, no matter where. God, in creating us, doomed us to live by food, and he gave us all the animals and all the vegetables to feed on. He endued us with different portions of strength, and he gave the strong advantage over the weak. Civil society, or the social compact, stands upon the foundation, that it is a benefit to man; that is to say, to the whole, or to a majority, at least. This is its sole basis. It is very certain, it must have been, that, in a state of nature, a majority of the human be ings composing any mass of peoplé, could not be in want of a suf ficiency of food. Therefore, whenever, in any community, a majo rity of the people are permanently in such a state as to be deprived of a sufficiency of human suste nance, that circumstance alone, without any acts of tyranny, dis solves the social compact, and, in the eye of nature, of justice, and of the Creator, the starving part of such community must have a right to use their force or their cunning to supply themselves with such sufficiency, find it where they will.

Hence the run upon the parishes. Hence what is called the idleness of the labouring people, and hence, too, what is called their thievishness. Every man, without having read the civilians, can perceive, that he has a right to get, in exchange for his labour, good food and raiment; and natural reason bids him conclude, that, if he find himself in a society, where he cannot obtain this, he is in a state of war with all those, who, in the same society, have a plenty without labour. The reflections, or, rather, thelcome to this conclusion; and, upon

The labouring classes do not argue the point; but their feelings

this conclusion they act. And, then, what a state is this for a country to be brought to! This, 'too, is to be the permanent state, as far as relates to amendment; for, what amendment can take place? If four years of peace do nothing, why should ten years? Things must proceed from worse to worse; because time is always at work against the people, as long as the system shall endure. Every year will send off its thousands of able labourers and of men of property. The resources of the country will go away by driblets. And, if the system were to last only a few years, the English nation would become the most feeble and most degraded nation upon the face of the whole earth.

Having taken this sketch of the general state of the concerns of the Borough - Ruffians, let me now come to their recent tricks, relative to the paper-money; and, before I have done, the public will have a glance at what Waithman or Burdett might have done, if he had been what a man, chosen by the people ought to be. I am not sorry, that these men have done nothing; because I foretold, that they would do nothing; and, the value of the fulfilment of a prediction of mine is, I flatter myself, of greater value than that of any ex

shew himself to be. I risked nothing when I predicted, that he would be of no use; for his incapacity was well known to me years ago. Perverse folly kept on praising and admiring him: all but the Blanketteers thought him a man able, at least, to do us service. Let his admirers admire him still. He is worthy of their admiration, and they are worthy of his thanks.

I think that I, long ago, clearly proved, that the Borough tyranny is the sole cause of the nation's misery and disgrace. I have also proved, I think, that this tyranny depends for its existence solely on the Bank paper continuing to pass current. And, I have proved, that that paper can be put an end to, at any time, when any man chooses to lay out a few hundred pounds for the purpose. Napoleon might have destroyed it at any time, and, if I were a Frenchman, I should say, that, for not having done it, he deserves all that he receives from the hands of the Boroughmongers.

These villains see their danger now. They know that neither dungeons nor gags will protect them against this weapon. And, therefore, they are trying all their tricks to prevent the imitation of their paper. If we had no other

ertion that it was in their poor pow-proof, the trial of these tricks

ers to make. The City-Cock, whois so great a man amongst the haberdashers, is nothing where wisdom and talent and courage are wanted. I always told you what he would

would suffice to show, that they have not the smallest hope of being able to pay in gold and silver. This, if they could do it, would put an end to their fears and to

our hopes; but this they know well they never can do, and, therefore, they resort to tricks to prevent imitation.

I informed you, sometime ago, many months indeed, that they had employed the king's embassador here to negociate with Messrs. Perkins and company, bank-note makers of Philadelphia. The American news-papers of three months back contain the following paragraph :-" Messrs. Perkins "and company are about to sail "for England. They are en"gaged by MR. BAGOT to go "thither to make notes for the "Bank of England. Mr. Bagot "has paid them five thousand "pounds down, and they are to "receive a much larger sum in "England. Thus is England, so "famed for her arts and sciences, "compelled to resort to the su"perior skill and ingenuity of our "artists."

To be sure it is a degrading | thing to send abroad for moneymakers. This is a low stoop for the haughty, insolent, arrogant Borough ruffians; but they have a great deal lower to stoop yet. Their new ally, Mr. Perkins, will be able to do no more for them than the popish priests of France will be able to do. He may assist in carrying on the thing for a few months; but that will be all. His stuff, if inimitable in England, will not be inimitable here, I can assure the tyrants of that.

But, only think of the pass, to which they are come! Obliged to

send across the seas for engravers to protect them. To call out to a foreign engraver for help against the people of England. The laws, and even their army, they can no longer trust to. They are reduced to beg the aid of engravers, who may abandon, or betray them at pleasure. What Mr. Perkins's terms will be I cannot even guess. If I were in his place, I would have a share in the government : a couple or three boroughs at least. What a base, what a stupid crew! They had titles and estates that rested upon the law of the land: they have set that law at defiance: they have made dungeon-law in its stead; and now they flee to engravers for security.

Mr. Perkins can make them no notes that I cannot have imitated for ten dollars a hundred. They say, in their April speeches, that they have hopes of being able to get out an issue of new notes, notes of a new sort, in three months. I do not believe that they have any such hopes. But what then? They can make nothing that cannot be imitated. I think, that they have told this lie in order to prevent our supplying their customers with a cargo from America, supposing that we shall not begin to make while we are uncertain as to the sort of notes that will be afloat by the time that our cargo shall arrive. As the thiefseesaconstable in every bush, so they see a cargo of notes in every bale of cotton. What do the fools think,

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then, would take place in case of war ? Could not Mr. Perkins make notes for their enemy? What an exposure is here! What an acknowledgment to send forth to the world! If this be not a fallen state, I should be glad to know what is a fallen state.

To get the notes into England is so easy, that I have heard of more than ten ways, any one of which would be infallible. 1 would, if I were so disposed, take a million pounds and distribute them as safely as I could go without a note. Not only the means of landing them are perfectly casy; but the safe means of keeping them in England are equally easy. So that here is a system of rule that may be destroyed any day that any man, with a thousand pounds in his pocket, may think proper to destroy it.

delphia to make me some for this purpose. For, as to doing the job, I will not have any hand in it immediately; though if any persons, engravers, and others, should be disposed to do it, I am, at all times, ready to give them my opi. nion on the subject, and to tell them all I know about it.

However, if it be never done, the paper system will drag down the Borough system in a very short time. The tyrants speak in a subdued tone. They do not appear to be so confident and so bold as they were. full of doubts and fears. They cannot help looking ashamed. But, they have nobody to look at them. They have nobody to taunt them. Our vile shoy hoys seem as if they dared not look them in the face.

I have filled them

Your account of the breaking of GRANT, MINCHIN and CREW, at Portsmouth and Gosport, was very pleasing to me. I hear that many of my old neighbours have lost by these fellows, and I am glad of it. They should have believed me, when I used to tell them, that the fellows would break. I pity nobody that suffers from such a cause." The base impostures has, long and

The engraving and paper for imitations of the present Threadneedle Street notes may be had at ten dollars for a hundred notes, one with the other; that is to say, ten ones, ten twos, ten fives, ten tens, ten twenties, and so on. A thousand pounds, laid out in this way, would do the thing effectually. In order to shew how conipletely the notes can be imi-long ago, been exposed; and,

if there be people still to rely on it, let them suffer in God's name.

tated, I will, one of these days, have a parcel struck: off, and send them to the Duke of Sussex, that he may show them to the Prince Regent, and thereby convince him by ocular proof how easily the thing can be done. I have written to an engraver at Phila-10 (it is Pacomo, and not Pocomo)

You have heard the howl that has been set up against my project for puffing out the system. The hypocrites who invited St. PACO

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