collected; agents had been appointed, to go and survey the country and purchase lands to an immense extent; and a gentleman who took great interest in the matter, told me, in the month of September, and with great exultation, that he hoped soon to see the whole race of discounters and accommodators, and retailers of British goods, sent back to the woods, to lead honest lives and to be animated by the glorious sun that never stopped pay ment. My Lord, what I state here must be true; I well know that this will be read at New York, where I have numerous friends, and where, rather than pass for a liar, I would lose my life. I do assure your Lordship that this work of quitting the haunts of commerce is going on all over the country. Prices will not revive in America. Provisions having become extremanly low in price will render wages low in price. There will be less money moving about, or less of what passes for money; and, in whatever degree that quantity is diminished, the demand for English goods will be diminished, and permanently diminished. Taking America as a whole; considering her as one merchant, she has been trading, in her affairs with England, upon tick; she has been trading with accommodation -paper: that sort of trade will almost wholly cease, and a great part of her custom will cease accordingly. How, then, is time to do any thing for us in that quarter of the world? What probability is there that she will be a better customer next year than she has been this? On the contrary, is there not good reason to suppose that the demand of next year will fall greatly short of that of the prayer of that Petition were now to be acted upon, tranquillity, harmony, respect for all instantly restored. All alarms would be instantly dissipated, and, in less than one year, public prosperity, individual happiness and almost total abolition of pauperism would take place, and England would once more make, in the world, the figure which she heretofore has made. But, it appears to me to be clear as the Sun at noon day, that unless something very much unlike the prayer of that Petition be acted upon, the miseries of this once happy England, are, as yet, but merely beginning, though my Lord Grenville has said that the country is now in a more alarming state than he has ever known it to the branches of the Government, would be be in before. My Lord, your noble colleague has said, that the Parliament can do nothing to remove the distress, and that particularly such a Parliament as the Reformers call for could do nothing to remove it. Now, let me first observe, power of canfeffing the smallest pecuniary, which, in spite of all anger and all projudice, the distress is by no means the primary cause of the discontents of the people; and this, indeed, has been acknowledged inost distinetly by my Lord Grenville, who has said that the discontents have their origin ia a cause which existed before the French Re volution. It is not I; it is not Mr. Hunt; it is not any other person now living, with whom the putting forward of this cause of Reform originated. The great mass of the Reformers were not born at the time of the origin of that cause, which has descended to them from father to son. This, therefore, and not the distresses of the country, is the great standing ground of discontent; and so firmly am I convinced that the mere bodily sufferings of the people are a nothing compared to this ground of discontent, that, I ve rily believe, that if his Royal Highness had been advised to say in his speech to the Parliamentth the wished them to take into their considération the question of Reform, the whole country would now have been as trauquil as ever it was at any one period of its history. I mean a mere simple recommenda present year? In short, it is notorious that ❘tion that the Parliament would entertain the the ships now lying at Liverpool, bound to New York, have scarcely a bale of goods to carry, and are going out with coals in their hulls to keep them from being blown over and swamped in their passage. Thus, then, away flies, like the morning mists before the sun, all your delusive hopes of assistance from old father Time, who, so far from being at work for your system is at work against your system, as he has been during the last five years, and as he nécessariny must be. until a great alteration be made in that system. In the Hampshire Petition, agreed to at a public meeting, held on Portsdown Hill, on tire 15th of February, 1917, And which Petition Phad the honour to be appointed to draw up, the whole ease of the people of England was stated to the House of Commaons. That Petition stands now upon record in the votes of that House; and, if the question and give it a calm and dispassionate discussion. This is the opinion of every man that I spoke with upon the subject from the Docks at Liverpool to the Crown and Anchor Tavern in the Strand. We will suppose, for argument's sake. that a Reform would do no good. My opinion is directly the contrary (I beg you to observe that); but, for argument's sake, allow that it would do no good, still, would it not have been right to take into consideration a thing prayed for, most earnestly prayed for, by three fourths, at least, of the active persons in the kingdom? How fully persuaded the people are that a Reform would be productive of happiness to the country is clearly demonstrated in the reception which the people have given to What has entitled me to their notice? Without riches; with the reputation of extreme poverty; notoriously without the ine. favour upon any creature; totaily unknown to any part of the people in any of the counties through which I have come, except through the means of my writings: and yet I have received written addresses with a greater number of names to them than, perhaps, were ever signed to all the addresses put together that any man in England ever before received. Nearly fifty thousand names were subscribed to addresses in Lancashire; and I have this day received from Yorkshire, dated from Leeds, an Address with many many thousand names subscribed to it. Those Yorkshiremen tell me that they owe to me the enlightening of their minds; that they have admired my perseverence in the Cause of Reform: that their hopes of final success are strengthened by my return; and that they have the greatest confidence in the exertions which I shall be able to make to restore them to happiness and to preserve the Constitution of this Kingdom, of this their country, which they ardently love, and for my unalterable attachment to which, they are unalterably attached to me. I say, my Lord, that you have here in these facts alone, a proof of the ardent desire which the people have to see a Reform in the Parliament, and how fully they are persuaded that such Reform would restore them to happiness. The Dinner at the Crown and Anchor, upon my arrival, is another proof. What should induce four hundred persons to give five shillings and six-ponce each merely to meet me, to eat a little bit of meat and bread, and to drink water? What should induce as many more to offer their money upon the occasion, and to go away regretting that there was not room for them. It has been hinted by several persons that I, amongst others, am actuated by ambitious motives; but, while I deny the right of any one to exelude me from the right of entertaining such motives as well as other men, what further can I want to gratify feelings of ambition? It is very clear, theu, first, that even the recommendation, on the part of the Prince to the Parliament, to take into consideration the question of Reforin, would, at once, al lay the ferment which has created so much alarmı; second, it is clear that time can do nothing, of itself, in the way of diminishing the distress; and, it is equally clear to me, that a Reforaned Parliament would have it completely in its power, not only to induce the people patiently to wait for the removal of the distress, but also, to remove it completely and to settle the affairs of the country in such a way as to make the people happy and the Constitution, in King, Lords and Commons, secure. In another Letter I shall endeavour to show your Loviship that the opinion of your colleague with regard to the effect of taxation upon the people is ero neous, and to convinge you, zhamail a Very large part of that taxation, be removed, there cannot be the smallest hope of a re storation of that tranquillhy and prosperity, I am well persuaded your Lordship firmly believes me sincerely to wish to see my country enjoy. I cannot conclude, my Lord, without once more adverting to that part of your speech and the speech of Lord Castiereagh, wherehr you, în strains of great triumph observe that there is distress in America, notwithstanding' there is no King, no Lords, and no Esta blished Church, I have exposed most fully, your error as to the fact of distress; but, my Lord, have I ever said that the distress in England arose from the existence of the King, the Lords, and the Church? Have I not repeatedly, in my appeals to these very Reformers who are now addressing me, told them not to be amused with names; not to conclude that a people was fres and happy merely because the Government wES called a Republic? Have I not repeatedly told them to recollect that if their country was the most famous and the most powerful in the world, it had acquired that fame and power under a Government of King, Lords and Commons; has not this always been my language, whether I was writing from abroad or writing from at home; and lieve I not, since my arrival in the country, told the people of Lancashire in answer to ap Address over-flowing with the kindest feelings towards inyself, that that part of their Address which expresses their firm at'achment to the present form of government has given me more pleasure than any other part of that affectionate document, telling them at the same time that to introduce a republican government into England would be tha surest way of rendering ruin and degradation permanent? Your Lordship can deny the truth of none of this. Your colleague can deny the truth of wone of it. Upon what ground, then, is it pretended to be believed that the Reformers ascribe the present distress to the existing form of Government? Upon what ground is it pretended to be believed,. that those who seck a Reform in words have a Revolutiou at the bottom of their hearts P Whence proceeds the unmanly hints that my publication is seditious and blasphemous: that I am the principal author of the evils which are to be provided against; that I am the great propagator of discontent, disobedience to the laws, disaffection to the Constitution. and disloyalty to the King? No, no, my Lord's: nota man in the kingdom believes this or any part of it; but most men believe that I possess great infinence over the minds of the people, that I am firmly convinced that a Reform of the Parliament ought to take place, and that, unless, by some means or other, I can be silenced, thal Reform will take place. I perceive, that the word Reform does not excie quote so much apparent, hovor, in eeron miris as it heretoforezooled. аероwеr оf еnedasion completely illum huris, wil yot be disposed to cobollist I most carnestly pray thod that they may, 1 and that this, our once free and happy coun-, Your Lordship's most obedient WM. COBBETT. TO THE READERS OF THE REGISTER. If the intended Law relative to the Press should be passed before the next Register be printed, the Register will come out with a stamp. I have received several communications pointing out in what manner the stamp might be evaded; and I should think it quite right to evade it, if the advantage surpassed the disadvantage in point of magnitude. But, I see so many difficulties in the way of an unstamped Register, that I cannot think of encountering them. It is very certain that the out-lets to true information will now be nearly closed up: but, the bird has flown: let Sidmouth, Castlereagh and Canning, catch political knowledge and bring her back to be shut up if they can. I think I see them now, each stooping down with his arm poked out before him, creeping along to see if they can put salt upon her tail! Faith! she has long been far beyond their reach; she has charmed the "Lower Orders" with her song: she has warmed their hearts in the cause of Reform and her melodious notes still vibrate on their ears, and will vibrate on the ears of their children. The price at which the Register will be sold, I am not yet fixed. There being no advertisements, the price must be comparatively high; but there are two objects to secure; information to the people and to myself security against loss of my time. I have no desire to get any thing beyond what is necessary to secure to myself the power of being useful. Wright had brought against Mr. Dolby, the publisher of the Register. You recollect that word was sent to me that Wright had been extremely urgent, in July, to push on the cause to Trial, and that it was with great difficulty that the Judges were prevailed upon to put it off until now. When I got here the cause stood for trial; notice of trial had been given; the defendant had pleaded a justification; but, all of a sudden, this urgent plaintiff, Wright, has withdrawn the record; that is to say, has given up the action. The action was brought, you will recollect, against Mr. Dolby for matter contained in the Political Register published by him (being No.24 of volume thirty-four) relative to Wright, Cleary and the Westminster Rump, and a pretended letter of mine read by Cleary at the Westminster Election. You shall hear more of this another time. It forms a pretty little episode in the grand drama that is now going on here, and at which your good neighbours will stare.These are the times, as Mr. Paine said, when he was rallying the brave Americans round Washington's standard, "these are the times "to try men's souls;" and I will assure you, my dear James, I have seen, since my arrival, a good deal of this sort of trial. About four hundred men came to the Crown and Anchor to honour me with a most enthusiastic welcome, and, amongst the whole I saw but four or five faces of which I had any recollection. These times blow away all the chaff and leave nothing but the solid grain.All the tribe of little envious beings that used so to infest me are gone, and are no more heard of. I shall send you a report of the Dinner proceedings. You will find it in Mr. Clement's Monday Observer; but, even there they have omitted to insert a report of a most eloquent speech, delivered by Mr. Wooler, in which that gentleman took an opportunity to make, in that public manner, a frank and manly acknowledgment of his former error with regard to me. Mr. Wooler is a man of real talent; and, if he keep aloof from the envious, talentless wretches, who would wheedle in order to destroy him, he will, I am convinced, prove valuable to his country in this her hour of severe trial. God bless you. Wм. СОВВЕТТ. P. S.-I am in great hopes, my dear little boy, that the sobriety which you have always seen me practice will be speedily general with all the good people in this country. It is my most earnest advice for all reasons (as well as that it is the best means of putting an end to Corruption), to abstain from exciseable articles. I have promised to point out substitutes to use in place of those arti TO MR. JAMES PAUL COBBETT, cles which cannot well be done without. For NEW YORK. MY DEAR JAMES, the purpose of assisting to carry this desirable object into effect, I am going to attend a You know that the reason for my depar- public meeting on Monday, to be held at the ture from New York so much sooner than I Crown and Anchor, called for the purpose of should have done was, that I was summoned preventing idleness, drunkenness and gambleás a witness in the trial of an action, which ing ntered at Stationera' ball ! On the Power of Taxation to produce [450 part of the press; and, therefore, a part of that respectable part I shall, I think, very speedily have at my command. I will have a little corner in it by some means or other. Before I proceed to notice more Baring relative to the Taxes, the particularly, the report of the speech Paper Money, and the Funds. answer. London, Dec. 14, 1819. Baring, let me notice what has been said by Lord Castlereagh and others, during the late debates, with regard to the causes of the national distress. In the year 1818, and in the month of February, a Petition was delivered to Lord Folkestone, with a written request from me, very respectfully worded, that he would be pleased to present that Petition. His Lordship refused to do this; not upon the ground of its containing any improper matter, but merely because it was too long. He stated that the House usually rejected Petitions, when running through several sheets of paper, and that this was his only reason for declining to present the present Petition, which was written on about two and a half sheets of common foolscap paper; which will be readily believed by any one who looks at it, MY LORD-The speech of Mr. Baring, as reported in the Morning Chro. nicle, made me jump out of my chair. My tongue and fingers itched for the want of power to give him an instant This speech was cheered as something extraordinarily fine: it was >"wise;" it was "profound;" it was "philosophical!" One Member wish ed that the deluded Reformers could all have been present to hear it. I wish so, too, with all my heart; provided, however, that the Reformers could have heard me answer that famous speech. Nay, I wish the Reformers could have heard it even without the answer; for, however ignorant and deluded you may think them, there is scarcely man or woman amongst them, who would not have been able as it now stands, in Number six to give it an answer themselves. They of Volume thirty-three of the Rehave not read about a hundred and gister, and under the date of sefifty two-penny Registers without be... venth of February, 1818. I have ing fully qualified to judge correctly complained of this conduct on the part ! with regard to any speech that any body can make upon the subject of taxes, paper-money and the funds. My tongue itched, however, for the power of answering this speech upon the spot; and I felt great mortification, that it must be a week before I could put forth even a limited answer. The next best thing to being able to answer upon the spot, is, to be able to answer the next day, through the channel of what your noble colleague, Lord Castlereagh, calls the respectable i of my Lord Folkestone; and, I revive my complaint upon this particular occasion; because, in that Petition are clearly set forth the cause of the nation's miseries, and also the means of putting an end to those miseries. In that Petition is contained the answer to all those who believe, or who affect to believe, that the taxes have nothing to do in producing the present distress. The reported debates say, that if nineteen twentieths of the taxes were taken off, the people Priuted by H. HAY, 11, Newcastle Street, Strand, for T. DOLBY, 299, Strand 1 would not be thereby benefited. The people are firmly convinced of the contrary; they believe that the taxes (co-operating with the paper-money) are the sole cause of their suffering: they believe that the taxes would be greatly reduced if the people at large had the choosing of the Members of the House of Commons: and they believe that therefore it is their duty, their duty towards their sovereign as well as themselves, to endeavour to bring about such a Reform as would cause the Members to be elected by the people at large.. With regard to their belief as to the two latter propositions, I shall say nothing at present, except that I most | heartily concur in it. It is with regard to the first proposition, that I mean to address your Lordship upon this occasion. always been looked upon as burdensome; as producing privations; as lessening the property and the comforts and enjoyments of those whe had to pay them. The King's speeches have from time immemorial spoken of taxes as burthensome, as a species of suffering imposed. When new taxes are laid on we always hear the King lamenting the necessity of them, and observing that he trusts that they will be laid on in a way the least burthensome to his people. When taxes are taken off we hear him expressing his satisfaction, that his people have been relieved from a part of their burthens. In the Houses of Parliament what endless debates have we heard about which tax would weigh heaviest and which lightest upon the people? What long, long disputes about the injury to the farmer when a tax was to be laid upon him; about the injury to this trade or that trade, when taxes wore to be laid upon them! Particular stress has always been laid upon any circumstance which would enable the proposers of a tax to urge that it did not press heavily upon this class or upon that class, and especially that it did not press upon the lower or labouring classes of the com. munity. The horse-tax, the dog.tax, the window-tax, the carriage-tax, the hair-powder tax, the game-licence tax, the armourial-bearings tax, and many others, have received eulogies of hours in length; because, as it was said, they did not press upon the labouring classes. Upon this same principle, houses having less than five windows or six windows, have been Surely, thereis something monstrous in the assertion that taxes do not take the means, or, at least, part of the means, of good living from those who pay the taxes! There surely must be something monstrous in such a proposition; full as monstrous, I pledge myself to prove, as it would be to say, that a man who has just had one half of his property taken from him is as rich as he was before any part of it was taken away; as rich as he was when he possessed the whole. When an assertion is made which is in direct contradiction to the settled opinion of all mankind; when it at once oversets, or, rather, attempts to overset, opinions universally agreed in; in such a case we generally treat it with silent contempt. But, when circumstances are menacing; when such as-exempted from the window tax; sertions come from the source of power; when they are put forward as grounds of action; when dreadful affliction may possibly be prolonged by the want of a refutation; in such a case; such an extreme case, we may be justified, in the eyes of the world, for calling, upon men to listen while the refutation is produced. cottagers have been allowed to keep a dog each without paying any tax; small horses kept by poor people, and asses have not been taxed. So that a great parade has been continually making, upon every occasion, when the case could at all justify it, about not burthening the labouring classes with taxes. On the other hand, when The word tax itself, is synonimous a sweeping and most dreadful load has, with burden or charge. Taxes have latany time, been laid upon any of |