themselves, and with their capital hire or buy other few to labor for them. A large majority belong to neither class-neither work for others, nor have others work for them. In most of the Southern States a majority of the whole people of all colors are neither slaves nor masters, while in the Northern States a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men, with their families, wives, sons and daughters, work for themselves on their farms, in their houses and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves and asking no favors of the capital on the other hand, nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingled their own labors with capital; that is, they labor with their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labor for them, but this is a mixed, not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class. Again, as has been said, there is not of necessity any such thing as the freed hired laborer being fixed in that condition for life. Many independent men everywhere in these States, a few years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors for a while for wages, saves a surplus with which to buy land and tools for himself, then labors on his own account for a while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just, generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all, gives hope to all and consequently energy, progress and improvement of condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted that those who toil up from povertynone less inclined to touch or take ought which they have not honestly earned. The strongest bond of human sympathy outside the family relation should be one uniting all working men of all nations, tongues and kindred. Nor should this lead to a war upon property or the owners of property. Property is the fruit of labor; property is desireable; it is a positive good to the world. That some are rich, shows that others may become rich, and hence is just encouragement to industry and enterprise. Let not him who is houseless pull down the house of another, but let him labor diligently and build himself one, thus by example assuring that his own should be safe from violence when built."

Giving further evidence of the President's principles in favor of the working men and free lands, we add an extract of his message to Congress of December 9, 1863:

"It has long been a cherished opinion of some of our wisest statesmen, that the people of the United States had a higher and more enduring interest in the early settlement and substantial cultivation of the public lands than in the amount of revenue to be derived from the sale of them. This opinion has had a controlling influence in shaping legislation upon the subject of our

National domain. This policy has received its most signal and benificent illustrations in the recent enactment granting homesteads to actual settlers. Since the 1st day of January last 1,556,515 acres have been taken under its provisions. This fact furnishes gratifying evidences of the increasing settlement upon the public lands, notwithstanding the great struggle in which the energies of the Nation have been engaged, and which has required so large a withdrawal of our citizens from their accustomed pursuits. I doubt not that Congress will cheerfully adopt such measures as will, without essentially changing the general features of the system, secure, to the greatest practical extent, its benefit to those who have left their homes in defense of their country in this arduous conflict."

In the principles enunciated in his reply to the working men of England to the address of the Workingmen's Association of the city of New York, and in his measures and recommendations to Congress for the enactment of laws granting homesteads to actual settlers on the public lands the President placed himself and the Republican party he represented firmly on record as the representatives of the industrial classes, and as the party whose measures have been and are still for the promotion of the interest and the elevation and liberal compensation of free labor through the entire Union. In a larger and more general sense Mr. Lincoln early in life became a representative man for the American system of protection, for the principle that, in the imposition of tariff duties, the protection of our home industries should be the object, and revenue the result.

In the great political contest of 1844 Mr. Lincoln, as a candidate for Presidential elector on the Clay ticket, fully established his reputation as a strong reasoner and powerful advocate in favor of protective duties in the numerous addresses he delivered in Illinois and Indiana during that canvass. His exposition of the principles of that system and the fallacies of free trade were elaborate. The results have followed the protective policy and have been wonderfully realized in the establishment of industries in all sections of the Union, and remunerative employment and wages to our laborers and artisans, and a home market for our agricultural productions. The beneficial results to our country from this policy can only be estimated by its wonderful growth and prosperity, and its advancement in all the essentials of power and greatness, until it has become the first amongst the nations of the earth. No President since the inception of our Government has left so deep and lasting an impression of his policy on our republican institutions. No administration has been so beneficial in its adaption to the wants and elevation of all classes of our citizens, as the administration of President Lincoln. These principles and his policy, which has been the rule, and under which our Government has

been administered for the past twenty years, have carried our country and people forward in steady progress and prosperity, until now we have the exhibition of a great nation, perfectly free, remarkable in its progress, united in national interests, and with character and standing among the nations of the world, in prosperity and true greatness unequaled in the history of ancient or modern times.

This unexampled development and expansion of our country, and the unfolding of its future greatness and possibilities, and the success of its people is attested by the thousands of happy and prosperous homes spread out over the great West from the "Father of Waters" to the placid Pacific, with public schools, churches and all the appliances of a high and free civilization, and the establishment of mechanical and manufacturing industries from the White Mountains to the Rio Grande, are enduring testimonials of the benificent results of the principles and home policy of Abraham Lincoln.

CHAPTER XL.

GLIMPSES OF CHRISTIAN CHARACTER.

Much has been written and said relative to President Lincoln's religion and his Christian experience and life. No President of our Republic has lived whose Christian utterances and gentle piety have been so marked as in many of his State papers. His religion was that which had sympathy for human sorrow and suffering of every class and kind; that charity and love which would lift the burden from the oppressed and give joy and relief whenever possible, He was always very reserved in respect to his Christian experience and belief, seemingly wanting faith and confidence to make a personal application of the provisions and promises of the Gospel to himself, but in his utterances, writings and examples, there shine brightly ideals of true Christian character. His invocation for the prayers of his friends and neighbors when he left his home in Springfield to assume the duties of chief magistrate, for divine aid and guidance, was beautiful and touching in the extreme. His letter to his step-brother, written a short time previous to his father's death, leaves no question as to his piety and Christianity. It is as follows:

"SPRINGFIELD, January 12, 1851.

"DEAR BROTHER: On the day before yesterday I received a letter from Harriet, written at Greenup. She says she has just returned from your house, and that father is very low and will hardly recover. She also says that you have written me two letters, and that, although you do not expect me to come, you wonder that I don't write. I received both of your letters, and although I have not answered them, it is not because I have forgotten them or been interested about them, but because it appeared to me that I could not write anything that would do any good. You already know that I desire that neither father nor mother shall be in want of any comfort, either in health or sickness, while they live, and I feel sure you have not failed to use my name, if necessary, to procure a doctor or anything else for father in his present sickness. My business is such that I could hardly leave home now, if it was not as it is, that my own wife is sick a-bed. I sincerely hope that father may yet recover his heath, but at all events tell him to

remember to call upon and confide in our great, good and merciful Maker, who will not turn away from Him any in any extremity. He notes the fall of a sparrow, and numbers the hairs of our heads, and He will not forget the dying man who puts his trust in Him. Say to him that if we could meet now it is doubtful whether it would not be more painful than pleasant, but that if it be his lot to go now, he will soon have a joyous meeting with many loved ones who have gone before, and where the rest of us, through the help of God, hope, ere long, to join them. Write to me again when you receive this. Affectionately, A. LINCOLN."

His reliance, in his later years, upon divine guidance and assistance, was often expressed with much tenderness and feeling. He once remarked: "I have been driven many times to my knees by the overwhelming conviction that I had nowhere else to go. My own wisdom and that of all about me seemed insufficient for that day and occasion." On another occasion he said: "I should consider myself the most presumptuous blockhead upon this footstool if I, for one day, thought that I could discharge the duties which have come upon me since I came into this place, without the aid and enlightenment of One who is wiser and stronger than all others."

In addition to his official duties, anxieties and troubles, in February, 1862, came the severe affliction in the death of his lovely and cherished son, Willie, and the severe illness of his youngest son, Thomas. This was a

painful stroke and a visitation which, in his firm reliance and faith in an overruling Providence, he could not understand. That this severe affliction should be added to the burdens he was already bearing, when it would seem necessary that comfort and relief should come to him from the endearing affections that cluster around the home and household, was a mysterious dispensation of Divine Providence to him, and a trial of his faith severe indeed. These tender relations of home and the family influences, which had done so much to mould and form Lincoln's character in early life, he carried with him in his own domestic and family relations, and home, to him, was a place of rest, of social enjoyment and of domestic tranquility. His tenderness for his children was profound, and with them he enjoyed a neverceasing source of happiness and delight. In this sad affliction of the President he had the consolation derived from the experience of a pious Christian, whose testimony enabled him to bear with some resignation his heavy burden.

A Christian lady, who was a nurse in one of the hospitals, was called to attend the sick children. She says: The President watched with her at the bedside of the dying child, and that, walking back and forth across the room, he would exclaim: "This is the hardest trial of my life. Why is it? Why is it?" He inquired of her concerning her experience and situation.