exercise of this power the President released from legal penalties, and restored to citizenship, all in each State, with special exceptions, who should take and abide by a prescribed oath; and then he proclaimed his purpose to recognize them as citizens of such State, as alone competent to organize and carry on their local Government, and he pledged the power of the general Government to protect such Republican State Governments as they might establish, "against invasion and against domestic violence." By way of precaution against an usurpation of power by strangers, he insisted on the same qualification for voting as had been required by the constitution and laws of the State previous to secession, and to provide against usurpation of power by an insignificant minority, he also required that the new Government should be elected by at least one-tenth as many voters as had voted in the State at the Presidential election in 1860. In the oath which he imposed as essential to citizenship, the President required a pledge to sustain the constitution, the laws of Congress, and the Executive proclamations, and Acts on the subject of slavery, so long and so far as the same should not be declared invalid, and of no binding obligation by the Supreme Court of the United States. These were the foundations of the broad and substantial basis laid by the President for the restoration of the Union, and the re-establishment of loyal republican Governments in the several seceded States. After the issuing of the President's proclamation, parties were organized in Louisiana for tne election of State officers, and at the election held, Michael Hahn was elected Governor, and was inaugurated March 4, 1864. An election was called for the election of delegates to a Constitutional Convention, and these delegates met in New Orleans on the 6th of April, and on the 10th of May they adopted, by a vote of 70 to 16, a clause in the new constitution by which slavery was forever abolished in that State. The constitution was adopted the 5th of September by a large majority. The State of Arkansas had followed the example, and had organized and re-established a loyal State Government and elected State officers.

The following clause in the President's proclamation is his justification for prescribing the peculiar oath which he made as a condition of pardon: "An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived State Government, constructed in whole or prepondering part, from the very element against whose hostility and violence it is to be protected, is simply absurd. There must be a test by which to separate the opposing elements, so as to build only from the sound; and that test is a sufficiently liberal one, which accepts as sound whoever will make a sworn recantation of his former unsoundness. But if it be proper to require, as a test of admission to the political body, an oath of allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and to the Union under it, then also to the laws and proclamations in regard to slavery. Those laws

and proclamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the rebellion. To give them their fullest effect there had to be a pledge for their maintenance. In my judgment they have aided and will further aid the cause for which they were intended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astonishing breach of faith. I may add, at this point, that while I remain in my present position, I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any Acts of Congress. For these and other reasons it is thought best that support of these measures shall be included in the oath; and it is believed that the Executive may lawfully claim it, in return for pardon and restoration of forfeited rights, which he has a clear constitutional power to withhold altogether, or grant upon the terms which he shall deem wisest for the public interest. It should be observed, also, that this part of the oath is subject to the modifying and abrogating power of legislative and supreme judicial decision.”

The President had always manifested great interest in all measures introduced to alleviate and relieve the hardships and sufferings of the soldiers in the field and in the hospitals. At a fair for the benefit of the soldiers, under the auspices of the Sanitary Commission, held at the Patent Office in Washington, the President was an interested visitor. Being called upon to say a word in encouragement to those who were laboring for the suffering soldiers, and to those who were in attendance, he said: "In this extraordinary war there have been developments extraordinary, such as have never been seen in former wars; and among these manifestations nothing has been more remarkable than these fairs for the relief of the suffering soldiers and their families. I am not accustomed to the use of language of eulogy; I have never studied the art of paying compliments to women, but I must say that if all that has been said by orators and poets since the creation of the world in praise of women, were applied to the women of America, it would not do them justice for their conduct during this war. I will close by saying, God bless the women of America."

It was about a year before the fall of Richmond that a young lady, who had known Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln for years, visited Washington. She was a sensible, warm-hearted, refined woman, gifted with a marvelous voice and a graceful figure, but she was very homely. She called at the White House, and when she had gone with Mrs. Lincoln into a private room, Mr. Lincoln expressed his surprise to a friend, that "some good man had not been lucky enough to marry her," adding: "L- herself would be much happier if she were a wife and mother." A few moments later Major C- a volunteer

officer, thoroughly respected by the President, and a bachelor, came into the study. The President looked at him thoughtfully. "What are you going to do when the war is over, C-?" he asked, suddenly. "Seek my fortune, I suppose," was the startled reply. "There it is in that room," said Mr. Lincoln. A frank, girlish laugh was heard at that moment. "No; you can't go to seek it now; business first-but there it is." That evening there was a reception at the White House. The President beckoned to Major C: "Listen," he said. A lady, whom they could not see because of the crowd, was singing, in a voice of great beauty and sweetness, some joyous song. The Major would have moved forward, but Mr. Lincoln detained him, his eyes twinkling with shrewd mirth and fun. "Wait a bit," he said; "don't look at her face yet." Presently she sang a ballad with such sweetness and pathos that the Major's eyes grew dim. Now, go; she is as good and true as her song." The good words of the President probably influenced both parties. In a few months they were married, and the union proved a happy one. "I did one wise thing in 1864," said the President, rubbing his chin, as was usual with him when well pleased; "I made that match."

A few months before the close of the war, Judge B——— of California, being in Washington, one day called on General Hallack, and presuming upon a familiar acquaintance in California a few years before, solicited a pass through our lines to see his father in Virginia, not expecting a refusal, as he and his father were known as Union men. "We have been deceived so often," said General Hallack, "and I regret I can't grant it." Judge Bthen went to Stanton, and was very briefly disposed of, with the same result. Finally he obtained an interview with the President, and stated his case. Have you applied to General Hallack,” inquired the President. 'Yes; and met with a flat refusal," said Judge B―. "Then you must see Stanton," continued the President. "I have, and with the same result," was the reply. "Well, then," said Mr. Lincoln, with a smile, "I can do nothing for you, for, you must know, I have very little influence with this administration."

CHAPTER XXXIX.

CHAMPION OF THE INDUSTRIAL CLASSES.

The popularity and success of Mr. Lincoln, both in private and public life, came from his sympathy and identification with the heart of the working people, and being one of them, his feelings, aims and efforts were enlisted in their interests and welfare, and his labors were directed to their amelioration and improvement. To elevate and dignify free industry had early in his life became a fixed principle, and from time to time had enlisted his attention and elicited from him expression strongly favorable on this subject. Mr. Lincoln, on his first advent in public life, placed himself on record as being the advocate of free labor and its elevation by his resolutions for the removal of slavery from the District of Columbia, and his memorable contest with Douglas against the extension of slavery and for the retention of the public lands for homesteads, for freedom and free labor. His advocacy of those principles was so utterly in opposition to the principles of the Democratic party under the administration of President Buchanan for, the extension of slavery in free territory, that President Lincoln came to be regarded by the industrial classes and working men of our own country, as well as the working men of Europe, as the champion and advocate of free lands and free labor, and for the elevation and education of the laboring classes.

On the 31st of December, 1863, large and enthusiastic meetings were held at Manchester and at London, in England, by the working men to express their opinions in regard to the civil war in the United States, and what its effects and bearing would be on the industrial classes. At these meetings, addresses to President Lincoln were adopted, expressing the kindest sentiments toward the United States, and declaring that since it had become evident that the destruction of slavery was involved in the overthrow of the rebellion, their sympathies had been and were heartily with the Government of the United States in the prosecution of the war.

These addresses were forwarded to the President through the American Minister at London, to which the President replied. From this reply we make the following extract:

"I know and deeply deplore the sufferings which the working men in Manchester and London, and in all Europe are called to endure in this crisis. It has been often and studiously represented that the attempt to overthrow this Government which was built on the foundation of human rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest exclusively on the basis of human slavery, was likely to obtain favor in Europe. Through the action of our disloyal citizens the working men of Europe have been subjected to severe trials for the purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt. Under the circumstances, I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon the questions as an instance of sublime Christian heroism which has not been surpassed in any age or in any country. Indeed, it is an energetic and reinspiring assurance of the inherent power of truth, and of the ultimate and universal triumph of justice, humanity and freedom. I have no doubt that the sentiments you have expressed will be sustained by your great Nation; and, on the other hand, I have no hesitation in assuring you that they will excite admiration, esteem and the most reciprocal feelings of friendship among the American people. I hail this interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an augury that whatsoever else may happen, whatever misfortune may befall your country or my own, the peace and friendship which now exists between the two Nations will be, as it shall be my desire to make them, perpetual."

On the 21st of March, 1864, a committee from the Workingmen's Association of the city of New York waited upon the President and delivered an address, stating the general objects and purposes of the association, and requesting that he would allow his name to be enrolled among its honorary members. We subjoin in part the President's reply to this committee:

"Gentlemen of the Committee-The honorary membership in your association as generously tendered is gratefully received. You comprehend, as your address shows, that the existing rebellion means more and tends to do more than the perpetuation of African slavery; that it is, in fact, a war upon the rights of working people. Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the highest consideration. Capital has its rights which are as worthy of protectection as any other rights. Nor is it denied, that there is and probably always will be a relation between capital and labor, producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of a community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor