possessed too much moral sense, too much devotion to law and order, too much reverence and pride for the history and Government of their common country to engage in rebellion against it. The sophism that any State may consistently with the National Constitution lawfully and peacably withdraw from the Union, without the consent of other sister States, they had been for thirty years impressing upon the mind of the Southern people, until they had brought, by their fallacious reasoning, a large number of citizens to embrace it, and to feel a willingness to take up arms against the Government to support it. The withdrawal of the States from the Union was secession-State rights intensified. The seizure by the State authorities of the property of the national Government, forts, mints, custom-houses and the attack on Fort Sumpter was rank treason and rebellion against the Government and laws, inaugurated and carried into execution before the powers of the Government had taken action or measures to prevent those insane and unlawful aggressions on the Constitution and laws of the United States.

To state the enormity of the rebellion would be very difficult, as it has no parallel in history. It was wanting in honor, justice or justification. The pretext in part was the election of a Republican to the Presidency. This excuse loses all its force because the entire South, becoming a party and taking a part in the election, bound itself to abide the result. The rebel States, by their attack on Fort Sumpter, the seizure of all the property of the Government within their borders, the issuing of letters of marque by their President to rebel cruisers, authorizing the seizure and confiscation of the vessels and property of loyal citizens of the United States on the high seas, had thereby severed their relations and obligations to the Federal Government as far as it was possible for them to do, thereby relieving President Lincoln of all moral, legal and constitutional obligations to preserve intact their peculiar institution. Still, the President and Congress, in the special session in July following, by enactments and resolutions declared that the war for the suppression of the rebellion was waged only to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired, and that as soon as these objects were accomplished and secured the war would and ought to cease. In the meantime, the war went on and Congress met in its regular session, December, 1861. It was now evident that Congress was disposed to change its policy relative to the slavery question. The forbearance of the Government in regard to slavery had entirely failed to soften the hostility of the rebels, and it was now well known that within the rebel lines slaves were freely employed in the construction of fortifications, and in contributing in this and other ways very largely to the strength of the rebellion. The whole country, under the influence of these facts, began to

regard slavery as not only the cause of the rebellion, but as the main strength for the support of its armies, and the bond of union for the rebel forces.

Congress, representing and sharing in this feeling, entered promptly and zealously upon such measures as this state of affairs would suggest. During this session a bill was passed abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, also a bill prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude in any of the Territories of the United States. The President, believing that the time was steadily approaching when in consequence of this obstinate persistence in rebellion the fate of slavery in all the States would necessarily be involved, he wisely sought to reconcile the shock which the contest would involve with the order of the country, and the permanent prosperity of all classes of the people.

The people were still disposed to exhaust every means which justice would allow in order to withdraw the people of the Southern States from the diastrous war in which they were involved by their leaders, and they welcomed the following suggestion of the President, which was introduced in Congress by Hon. R. Conkling of New York in the shape of the following resolution:

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid to be used by such State in its discretion to compensate for the inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of system."

This resolution was passed and approved by the President on the 10th of April, 1862. It fully recognized the full and complete control of the Southern States over slavery within their own limits, and tendered to them the aid of the general Government in any steps they might be inclined to take to rid themselves of it. It was an offering that might be accepted by one State or by all the States. The President, fully believing that the war if long continued would result in the entire extinction of slavery, on the 12th day of July called the members of Congress from the loyal border States to a conference at the Executive Mansion and urged them to take steps for emancipation in their respective States under the resolution before mentioned. Among other arguments which he used, he said: "You are patriots and statesmen, and as such I pray you consider this proposition, and at least commend it to the consideration of your States and people. As you would perpetuate popular Government for the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do in no wise omit this. Our common country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and boldest action, to bring speedy relief. Once relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its beloved history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its happy future assured

and rendered inconceivably grand. To you more than to any others the privilege is given to assure that happiness and swell that grandeur."

Events were now rapidly bringing the people to the inevitable conclusion that if the war was long continued slavery would, give way to freedom. The President endeavored, as well by his official acts as by his earnest appeal to the patriotism of the loyal slave States, to induce and persuade them to embrace the offer of the Government for compensation for their slaves in the event of their taking measures for their emancipation. But they rejected the generous offer-turned away from the entreaties of the President until freedom came, with the loss which he saw would ultimately and necessarily follow. As I write those words of entreaty and patriotism to the representatives of the loyal slave States by the President, I look out and see the grand old flag of our country at half mast in every part of the city. It is Decoration Day. This day, the resting place of the good President and thousands of brave men who gave their lives for the preservation of our beloved Union and for the security and happiness of future ages will be decorated and consecrated by loyal hands and hearts, and the decorations of the graves of the heroic dead by those emblems of beauty, love, peace and affection which soften and sanctify our memories for the departed, reach out in trust and assure us of hope and confidence for the future. We are reminded of our duty and the occasion by the martyrd President, who said, "It is right for us to be here dedicated to the great task before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to the cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that this Nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom, and that the Government of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not perish from the earth."

CHAPTER XXIX.

EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.

The acts of Congress and those of the President, together with the President's revocation of the proclamations of General Fremont of August 31, 1861, and that of General Hunter of May 9, 1862, issued in their respective departments, freeing the slaves therein, is conclusive evidence that up to this time, July, 1862, the prosecution of the war against the rebels was waged only for the restoration of the National authority, and for the security and perpetuity of the Union. The Act of Congress offering compensation to any State that would favor emancipation was intended more particularly for the loyal slave States, although any rebel State could partake of its benefits by return to the Union. In the revocation of General Hunter's order by the President, is one of the most touching and beautiful appeals ever written. In that paper, the President, referring to the Act of Congress pledging the Nation to compensation, said: "To the people of those States I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue, I beseech you to make the argument yourselves; you cannot, if you would, be blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging, it may be, far above personal or partisan politics. This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproaches on any. It acts not the Pharisee. The changes it contemplates would come gently as the dews of Heaven-not rending or breaking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done by one effort in all past time as in the providence of God it is now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it."

The loyal people were becoming restive and tired of the Government's protection of slavery in the rebel States, and they had just reasons to be so. The President knew and felt this, but he could not forsake the friends of the Union in the border States until he had saved them, and saved them for the Union. And it is worthy of remark here, that while the rebel leaders were teaching and telling their people that the war was being waged against them for the destruction of slavery, at the same time the rebel emisaries in

England were striving to effect the public sentiment there against the Union by representing that President Lincoln was, by his revocation of the orders of Generals Fremont and Hunter, endeavoring to save slavery with the Union.

The subject of emancipation which President Lincoln pressed upon the members of Congress from the loyal slave States at the Executive Mansion elicited a reply from a number of them. The following is an extract from their response: "" But, on the other hand, we meet your address in the spirit in which it was made, and as loyal Americans declare to you and to the world that there is no sacrifice that we are not willing to make to save the Government and institutions of our fathers; that we, few of us it may be, will not permit any man from the North or South to go further than we in the accomplishment of the great work before us. That in order to carry out our views, we will, so far as it may be in our power, ask the people of the border States to calmly, deliberately and fairly consider your recommendations. We are the more emboldened to assume this position from the fact now become history, that the leaders of the Southern rebellion have offered to abolish slavery amongst them as a condition of foreign intervention in favor of their independence as a nation. If they can give up slavery to destroy the Union, we can surely ask our people to consider the question to save the Union."

The President, with thousands of citizens of the free States, realized fully the fact that the attack of the rebels on Fort Sumpter at that time decided at once and forever the fate of slavery in the United States. The constitutional obligations of the Government in reference to that institution had by the act of the rebels been dissolved, and its extinction or gradual emancipation was now demanded by the people; and the President, having now done all he could accomplish by personal appeals and official action for the loyal citizens in the border States, was now prepared to take measures and act as the indications of the public mind demanded. Two other important measures received the attention of Congress during this session. One was a bill authorizing the issue of treasury notes to the amount of one hundred and fifty millions of dollars, and the other was the enactment of a law confiscating the property of the rebels. One of the distinctive features of this bill was section 6 which prescribed, "That any person being engaged in the rebellion who should not, within sixty days after public proclamation duly made by the President, cease to aid the rebellion, should have his property confiscated in the manner provided." The passage of this bill was a very important step in the prosecution of the war for the suppression of the rebellion. It gave the rebels to understand distinctly that one of the penalties, if they persisted