and experienced statesmen whose distinguished names were before the convention-I shall by your leave consider more fully the resolutions of the convention denominated the platform, and without unnecessary delay report to you in writing, not doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory and the nomination gratefully accepted. And now I will no longer defer the pleasure of taking you and each of you by the hand."

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Mr. Ashmun met Lincoln as an old friend, they having acted together in Congress while both were members of the Whig party, and the interview between them was of special interest. It may be stated as a coincidence that Mr. Ashmun, who received Lincoln's first oral and written address as a candidate for the Presidency, received the last word he ever wrote as President of the United States. The evening with the committee and citizens passed pleasantly away, and the committee retired with the impression that the standard of the party was intrusted in the hands of a great and good man. On the following week Lincoln responded to the letter which Mr. Ashmun presented him, as follows: "Sir, I accept the nomination tendered me by the convention over which you presided, of which I am formally apprised in a letter of yourself and others acting as a committee of the convention for that purpose. The declaration of principles and sentiment, which accompanies your letter, meets my approval, and it shall be my care not to violate it or disregard it in any part. Imploring the aid of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the convention, to the rights of all the States and Territories and people of the nation, to the inviolability of the constitution and perpetual union, harmony and prosperity of all, I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success of the principles declared by the convention. ABRAHAM LINCOLN."

"HON. GEORGE ASHMUN."

Lincoln's nomination proved universally acceptable to the Republican party. Its members recognized in him a man of firm principles, of ardent love for freedom, of strict integrity and truth, and they went into the political contest with a zeal and enthusiasm which was the guarantee of victory and

success.

We have in the preceding chapters given briefly an outline of Abraham Lincoln's life from his birth up to the position of a candidate for the highest office and honors in the gift of the American people. Born of humble parentage, in poverty and obscurity, early in life gathering his education and knowledge by the hardest labor and toil from the most limited sources, with none of the advantages and assistance afforded by affluence and social support, he had achieved the development of his moral and intellectual powers by the means of his own industry and integrity. With principles, early imbibed, of the most correct and humane character, and with

a noble goodness never excelled, he had outstripped his compeers in the race for honor and fame, and raised himself—one of the people-from the people, by the aid of the people, to become the champion and leader of the great national party of progress and liberal principles. His mission now was to pilot and guide the ship of State through the approaching storm of secession and disunion into the haven of perfect unity and universal political liberty and equality.

CHAPTER XVII.

RESULT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION,

UNIV. OF CALIFORNI

1860.

The Republican party, of which Lincoln was the exponent, declared in its platform its purposes to protect the Southern States in all their constitutional rights, and also asserted the right and duty of Congress to exclude slavery from Territories by positive legislation. Mr. Breckenridge, representing the pro-slavery element of the Democratic party, asserted the duty of the national government by a positive exercise of its legislative and executive power to protect slavery in the Territories. Douglas, for the regular Democrats, supported the principle that the people of the Territories, acting through their Territorial Legislatures, or constitutional convention, had the same right to decide this question as any other. And Bell, for the fourth party, went into the canvass with, "The Constitution, the Union and the enforcement of the laws," as their platform. This platform was one on which all could have united, but for the reason that the widest difference of opinion possible prevailed among the people as to its meaning. All the issues involved in these several platforms were discussed with energy and vigor, and everything on the surface indicated the usual termination of the contest-the peaceable acquiescence of all parties in the result. The election took place November 6th. In the large wigwam erected by the Republicans of Springfield for campaign purposes, the citizens assembled en masse after the closing of the polls, to hear the result. The telegraph was brought into requisition. The ladies of the city were present in large numbers, having prepared a sumptuous repast for all those who would be present. Soon after 9 o'clock the telegraph first from Pennsylvania announced to the expectant and waiting multitude: Simon Cameron to A. Lincoln; thirty thousand for Lincoln." Next came Indiana, fifteen thousand Republican; next, Ohio, forty thousand for the rail-splitter; New York next, fifty thousand for Lincoln. Then came the announcement, New England solid for Lincoln; and later, Illinois, fifty thousand for her favorite son. The excitement and enthusiasm manifested on the receipt of these several dispatches baffles description. These tele

grams having sufficiently indicated the result, the citizens, at a late hour, repaired to their homes for rest, after hours of intense excitement and rejoicing. The result of the election was, that in the electoral college Lincoln received 180 (all of the free States except New Jesey, of which he received four votes, and Douglas three); Breckenridge, 72 (all the slave States except Kentucky, Tennessee and Virginia, which voted for Bell, and Missouri, which voted for Douglas). Bell received 39 and Douglas 12 electoral votes.

As soon as the result of the election was known, various movements in the South indicated purposes of resistance. Among the Republicans there was this feeling, that they had fairly, on an open declaration of principles and policy, and according to the provisions of the constitution, elected a President, and if for this the South was going to make war, the contest might come as well first as last. The incipient steps towards secession were taken, however, before the election, by the officers of the government under President Buchanan. During 1860, 115,000 muskets were removed from Northern armories to Southern arsenals by one order. The Southern forts were left without efficient garrisons unless commanded by officers who could be relied upon for the South. In the navy the efficient vessels were sent into distant waters, and President Buchanan had said that the government was powerless to prevent secession. South Carolina led off in the secession movement. A convention was called to meet December 17. It met at Charleston, and on the twentieth an ordinance was passed dissolving the Union then existing between South Carolina and the other States under the name of the United States of America. In the debates in the convention, Mr. Parker said the movement was no spasmodic effort; it had been gradually culminating for a long series of years.' Mr. Rhett declared that "the secession of South Carolina was not the event of a day; it is a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years." Disclosures which have appeared since the rebellion prove clearly that the entire secession movement was concocted by conspirators who had their headquarters in Washington, and that most of them were holding offices under the government of the United States.

On the night of January 5, 1861, a secret meeting was held, at which the Senators from Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi and Florida were present. Men bound by all the solemn obligations of honor, and their oaths registered to protect, defend and preserve the constitution and government of the United States, under which they were holding office and receiving their salaries, here met in conclave to destroy what they had sworn to protect and defend. They there, by resolution, decided that their several States should secede as soon as possible; that a convention of seced

ing States should be held at Montgomery, Alabama, not later than the 15th of February; and that the Senators and Members of Congress should and ought to remain in their seats as long as possible in order to defeat measures that might be proposed at Washington hostile to the secession movement. Davis of Mississippi, Slidell of Louisiana and Mallory were appointed a committee to carry these resolutions into effect; and in pursuance of these, Mississippi passed her ordinance of secession January 9; Alabama and Florida, January 11; Louisiana, January 26; and Texas, February 5.

This was a new era in the history of America. Thus were taken the first steps to overthrow the government and the constitution of the United Statestaken from motives of personal and sectional ambition, and for the purpose of establishing a government which should be permanently and completely in the interest of slavery. The remarks of A. H. Stephens before the Georgia Legislature on the 14th of November, 1860, after the result of the Presidential election was known, are worthy of note here:

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“I look upon this country with our institutions," said Mr. Stephens, the Eden of the world—the paradise of the universe. It may be that out of it we may become greater or more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in telling you that I fear if we rashly evince passion, and without sufficient cause shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater or more peaceful, prosperous and happy, instead of becoming gods we will become demons, and at no distant day will commence cutting each others throats. The first question that presents itself is, shall the people of the South secede from the Union in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States? My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly and earnestly, that I do not think they ought. In my opinion and judgment, the election of no man constitutionally chosen to that high office is a sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining the constitution of the country. To make a point of resistance to the government, to withdraw from it because a man has been constitutionally elected puts us in the wrong. We went into this election with this people. The result was different from what we wished; but the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the Government and go out of the Union on this account, the record would be made up hereafter against us."

Here we have the clear and explicit testimony of A. H. Stephens, one of the noblest and most patriotic sons of the South, nobly combating for the unity of the republic; standing with and by the constitution of his country, with the waves of secession, disunion and rebellion ready to overwhelm him, declaring to his countrymen that the grandest and noblest institutions which