had been made as to their treatment, and the treatment of other negro soldiers taken prisoners by the rebels, Mr. Lincoln felt it his duty on the 10th of July, 1863, to issue the following order:

"It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its citizens, of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of Nations and the usages and customs of war as carried on by civilized powers, permit no distinction as to color, in the treatment of prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person on account of his color, and for no offense against the laws of war, is a relapse into barbarism, and a crime against the civilization of the age.

"The Government of the United States will give the same protection to all its soldiers; and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one because of his color, the offense shall be punished by retaliation upon the enemy's prisoners in our possession. It is therefore ordered, that for every soldier of the United States, killed in violation of the laws of war, rebel soldier shall be executed; and for every one enslaved by the enemy, or sold into slavery, a rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on public works, and continued at such labor, until the other shall be released, and receive the treatment due to a prisoner of war.” *

a

In this connection, what Mr. Lincoln said at Baltimore, April 18th, 1864, may appropriately be quoted as expressive of his views:

"At the commencement of the war, it was doubtful whether black men would be used as soldiers or not. The matter was examined into very carefully, and after mature deliberation, the whole question, resting as it were with myself, in my judgment, I decided that they should. I was responsible for the act to the American people, to a Christian world, to the future historian, and above all to my God, to whom I shall have one day to render an account of my stewardship. I would now say that in my opinion, the black soldier should have the same protection as the white soldier, and he shall have it."+

General Grant, with the directness of the soldier, pursued the same course. In a communication addressed to General Lee, dated October 29th, 1864, he said:

* McPherson, p. 280.

† McPherson, p. 180.

"I shall always regret the necessity of retaliating for wrongs done our soldiers; but regard it my duty to protect all persons received into the army of the United States, regardless of color or Nationality. When acknowledged soldiers of the Government are captured, they must be treated as prisoners of war, or such treatment as they receive, will be inflicted upon an equal number of prisoners held by us.

"In answer to the question at the conclusion of your letter, I have to state, that all prisoners of war falling into my hands, shall receive the kindest treatment possible, consistent with securing them, unless I have good authority for believing any number of our men are being treated otherwise. Then, painful as it may be to me, I shall inflict like treatment on an equal number of Confederate prisoners."

The power of the slaveholding Confederacy grew weak under the blows inflicted at Gettysburg, at Arkansas Post, at Port Hudson, at Vicksburg and Chattanooga; and near the close of 1863, their Congress in its desperation, enacted a law declaring every man between the ages of eighteen and fifty-five to be in the military service for the war. Thus, every man between those ages became subject to the articles of war, to military discipline and penalties, and on failure to report for duty within a certain time, became liable to the penalty of death as a deserter. This measure indicated the desperate fortunes, and the approaching dissolution of the Confederacy. Desertion, absenteeism and straggling, under such means of filling their army, prevailed to such an extent, that the rebel Secretary of War reported that the effective force of their army was not more than one-half or two-thirds of the men, whose names appeared on the muster rolls.

Depreciation of their currency, and the loss of credit, paralyzed the Confederate cause. The paper money issued by the Richmond Government, depreciated so as to be worth only five or six cents on the dollar. The credit of the Government was gone, and the agriculturists refused to sell their products for Confederate notes. The destruction of their army for lack of supplies was inevitable, and the Confederates were compelled to seize and impress all the food and supplies necessary to carry on the war. These embarrasments were enhanced by the wearing out of the Southern railways, and

* McPherson, p. 445.

railway stock. They could not procure an adequate supply of iron and skilled labor, to repair and renew the stock and tracks. The failure of the crops, and the desolation of war produced great suffering and want among the people.

Meanwhile, the confidence of the loyal men of the United States in Abraham Lincoln and his administration, was becoming deep and pervading. His success in the field, his continued triumph over the most formidable financial difficulties, the great ability and success with which our foreign relations were managed, and above all, the moral power arising from Mr. Lincoln's open, unequivocal position in favor of universal justice and liberty, had secured the favor of the great masses of the loyal people. Abraham Lincoln had gradually secured the respect, love, and veneration of nearly all, by his integrity, his unselfishness, his simplicity, his wisdom, and his love of justice and right. Their verdict through the ballot box, in the autumn of 1863, was everywhere favorable. The President in his letter to a mass meeting of the Union men of Illinois, held in September, 1863, explained, in his own frank, clear, and masterly manner, the condition of the country, and the policy he was pursuing. To these old friends and neighbors he said:

"There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: You desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we obtain it? There are but three conceivable ways: First, to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise.

"I do not believe that any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebellion is its military, its army. That army dominates all the country and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men, within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present; because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them."

He thus vindicates his policy in regard to the negro, and emancipation:

save you

means.

"But to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, while you, I suppose do not. Yet I have neither adopted, nor proposed any measure, which is not consistent, with even your view, provided that you are for the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation; to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as to from greater taxation to save the Union exclusively by other You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its Commander-in-Chief with the law of war, in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been any question, that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever it helps us, and hurts the enemy? Armies the world over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it; and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and noncombatants, male and female. But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it cannot be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess to think its retraction would operate favorably for the Union. Why better after the retraction than before the issue? There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of which, passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the issue of the Proclamation as before."

He then states that the Emancipation proclamation, and the employment of negro troops had been the heaviest blows given to the rebel cause, and that at least one of the successes of the Union army could not have been achieved without the aid of the black soldiers.

He concluded this admirable paper as follows:

You say that you will not fight to free negroes. 'Some of them,' said he with severe reproach, "seem willing to fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively, to save the Union? I issued the Proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time, then, for you to declare you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that, in your struggle for the Union to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differently? I thought whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us, if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. the promise, being made, must be kept.

And

"The signs look better. The Father of Waters' again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it, nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up, they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The army South, too, in more colors than one also lent a helping hand. On the spot, their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. The job was a great National one, and let none be slighted who bore an honorable part in it. And while those who have cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins, they have been present, not only on the deep sea, the broad bay and the rapid river, but also up the narrow and muddy bayou and wherever the ground was a little damp, they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the great Republic-for the principle it lives by, and keeps alive - for man's vast future, thanks to all.

"Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And there will be some black men who can remember, that with silent tongue, and clenched teeth and steady eye, and well poised bayonet, they have helped