of fact, the bill is carefully limited to those original claims which, after postponement by the second article of the Convention of 1800, were, at its final ratification, definitely renounced by the United States, in consideration of equivalent renunciations from France. CONCLUSION. THE Committee have now finished the review which, in the discharge of public service, they were called to make. Approaching a much vexed question without prejudice, they have striven to consider it with candor, in the hope of ascertaining and exhibiting the requirements of duty. The conclusion they have adopted, in harmony with so many previous committees of both houses, and also with Congress itself, which has twice enacted a law for the satisfaction of these claims, is now submitted to the judgment of the Senate. How the Committee have reached this conclusion. is seen by a final glance at the field that has been traversed. Putting aside the three preliminary objections to these claims,- (1.) that they are ancient and stale, (2.) that they have passed into the hands of speculators, and (3.) that they should be postponed on account of the present condition of public affairs, - the Committee have considered in order four principal topics: First, the claims of American citizens on France, as they appear in the history of the times; secondly, the counter-claims of France, as they, too, appear in the history of the times; thirdly, how the "individual" claims of American citizens were sacrificed to procure release of the "national" claims of France by a proceeding in the nature of set-off and mutual release; Im & valuable France, so as Nom coment MuimanIS, remos 10 States estabbetween tant such as The claims; vection were not than the ad Con s of studia fur I treat ability; Bestandonmine the way injust compensation the pirates secured Le sole of these claimants; MAN TATİLTune of the Committee. fee Daimants; and (3.) the 1. a me viie aase in its divisions and subdivisThere is one retection which belongs naturally For the closer These claims have survived several genBotions, entwining themselves each year with the naHound history. Meanwhile the Republic, for whose adcanbugs they were sacrificed, has outgrown the puny cooptation of that early day, when its commerce was prox of France, and even the sacred debt for inde We lot posad These claimants have been called to remark the glorious transformation by which the weak has become strong and the poor has become rich; with glistening eye they have followed the flag of the country, as it was carried successfully in every sea; with sympathetic heart they have heard the name of the country sounded with honor in every land; and now they joyfully witness the unexampled resources with which it upholds the national cause against an unexampled rebellion;- but these claimants have been called to observe, especially, how, for many years, unchecked by hindrances, the National Government labored successfully with foreign powers to secure justice for despoiled citizens, until all nations Great Britain, Spain, Denmark, Naples, Holland, Mexico, Colombia, Peru, and Chile - have yielded to persistent negotiation, and even France has paid indemnities to our citizens for spoliations subsequent to these very claims. All this history these claimants have observed with pride; but how can they forbear to exclaim at the sacrifice required of them, that they alone, the pioneers of our commercial flag, are compelled "in suing long to bide," while part of the debt for national independence is cast upon their shoulders, and the whole country. enjoys priceless benefits at their expense? Well may these disappointed suitors, hurt by unfeeling indifference to their extensive losses, and worn with endless delay, cry out in bitterness of heart, "Give us back our ships!" But this cannot be done. It only remains that Congress should pay for them. 15* 1 Favorable statement of facts, without coming to any conclusion. 2 This bill was voted by the Senate, February 3, 1835, yeas 25, nays 20. 3 This bill was voted by the Senate June 8, 1846, yeas 27, nays 23. 4 This bill (being Mr. Clayton's bill as voted by the Senate) was voted by the House, August 4, 1846, yeas 94, nay's 87. It thus passed both houses, but was vetoed by Presi dent Polk as a Senate bill; and on the veto the Senate voted yeas 27, nays 15,-not two thirds. 5 This bill was voted by the Senate, January 24, 1851, without a division. 6 This bill was voted by the Senate, Feb. 15, 1854, yeas 27, nays 15. 7 This bill was voted by the House, January 27, 1855, yeas 111, nays 77, and by the Senate, February 6th, yeas 28, nays 17, but was vetoed by President Pierce as a House bill; and the House vote on the veto was yeas 113, nays 86,-not two thirds, so the bill was lost. 8 This bill was voted by the Senate, January 10, 1859, yeas 26, nays 20. Jan. 4, 1848 Favorable, bill R. 144 Favorable, bill R. 44 Foreign Affairs June 14, 1850 Favorable, bill R. 355 Jan. 14, 1852 Favorable, bill Minority Adv's R. 26 Jan. 17, 1854 Favorable, bill Favorable, bill Favorable, bill Favorable, bill R. 53 Favorable, bill Favorable, bill R. 259 Favorable, bill Favorable, bill NO PROPERTY IN MAN: UNIVERSAL EMANCIPATION WITHOUT COMPENSATION. SPEECH IN THE SENATE, ON THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT ABOLISHING SLAVERY THROUGHOUT THE UNITED STATES, APRIL 8, 1864. The property in horses was the gift of God to man at the creation of the world; the property in slaves is property held and acquired by crime, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive right. —JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, Speech at Bridgewater, November 6, 1844. Swift with her wand she issued and unclosed They men became, but younger than before, Odyssey, tr. SOTHEBY, Book X. 398–407. |