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ATTACKS ON FRONTIER VILLAGES; DEERFIELD MASSACRE. 457

illicit trade, they would undoubtedly themselves were somewhat at fault in

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turn against the English. more, the Canadian authorities winked at this lawless trade, as it furnished them with the goods necessary for keeping their "Far Indian " allies in good humor, and what was more important, gave them a chance to send spies into the colony, from whom the Canadian authorities learned of the movements and designs of the English. For these reasons, the French were as anxious to maintain peaceful relations with all parties in New York as the New Yorkers were to secure trade, and thus for several years after the beginning of the eighteenth century there was a virtual truce between Canada and New York, the whole burden of Queen Anne's war being thrust upon the northern colonies of New England - Maine, New Hampshire New Hampshire and Massachusetts."

In 1702 the Canadians made active preparations for a descent upon the New England colonies, and expeditions were sent out to harass the settlements in Maine.† The colonists

* Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, vol. i., chap. i. (5th ed., 1893).

The Canadian officers of the crown thought it a simple matter to conquer the colonies, as they considered the New Englanders "great cowards, totally undisciplined and ignorant of war." One of these officers said that 4.000 troops would be sufficient to lay waste all of New England and then march to New York, which would be "quickly destroyed and burned." See Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, vol. i., p. 2 et seq. Governor Cornbury of New York on the other hand thought that the French could be driven out of Canada by a

provoking the first hostilities by plundering the half-breed son of Baron Castin on the Penobscot. The eastern Indians, known as the Abenakis, who were entirely under French influence, were easily aroused to retaliatory measures. The frontier villages of Maine- Wells, Spurwick, Cape Porpoise, Winter Harbor, Harbor, Casco (Falmouth), and the settlement near the present city of Portland — were attacked in August, 1703, and nearly 150 inhabitants, mostly women and children, massacred with shocking barbarity.* A few small expeditions were sent against the Indians but they accomplished little, and the Indians became emboldened to make attacks at will. A body of 200 Canadians and 100 Indianst under the command of Hertel de Rouville, in February, 1704, descended the Connecticut River until they reached the village of Deerfield, Mass., and in the middle of the winter night, while the sentinels were asleep, attacked the village. In the ensuing fight nearly 50 of the inhabitants were killed and 100 more were captured, and after the

force of 1,500 men and eight fourth-rate frigates. N. Y. Col. Docs., vol. iv., p. 977.

*

Penhallow, History of the Wars of New England with the Eastern Indians; Edward E. Bourne, History of Wells and Kennebunk; Niles, Indian and French Wars; Folsom, History of Saco and Biddeford, p. 198; Belknap, History of New Hampshire, vol. i., pp. 330–331; Williamson, History of Maine, vol. ii., p. 42; Collections of the Maine Historical Society, vol. iii., pp. 140, 348.

French accounts say there were 50 Canadians and 200 Indians.

village had been burned, the captives were compelled to tramp through the snow covered forests to Canada, a distance of approximately 300 miles. Such of the captives as fell by the wayside were dispatched with the tomahawk. Some of them succeeded in escaping and many were subsequently exchanged. In reprisal for these atrocities, a premium of $100 was offered by the English for the scalps of Indians, and the whole frontier was now deluged with the blood of colonists and red men. The whites, however, found great difficulty in capturing the Indians and it was computed that every Indian scalp brought in during the war cost the colony about $3,000. In retaliation also, an expedition under command of Benjamin Church was sent along the Penobscot, and after doing much damage there and capturing Menis, a small town on the coast of Acadia near Port Royal, the expedition returned to Boston.+

In August, 1708, de Rouville set out on another predatory expedition, having in view the plundering of Ports

*See Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, vol. i., pp. 52-89 and the authorities there noted, particularly John Williams' narrative, The Redeemed Captive returning to Zion; the Account of the Captivity of Stephen Williams, written by himself (the narrative of one of John Williams'

mouth, but he was disappointed in receiving some expected reinforcements, and therefore changed his plan, directing his course to the little village of Haverhill, Mass. After having gone through their devotional services as was customary, the soldiers under de Rouville entered the village shortly before sunrise and began the work of destruction, in the first moments of surprise killing with the hatchet about 50 of the inhabitants or burning them to death in the flames of their own homesteads. After the first panic had subsided, the inhabitants united in making a bold defence. Several ruses were called into play to deceive the French and Indians, one of the inhabitants by the name of Davis concealing himself behind a barn and calling on some supposed reinforcements to hurry to the defense. During the massacre there were numerous cases of heroism on the part of both the male and female inhabitants. The Indians attacked the home of Richard Swan and his wife, who, to prevent the Indians from entering, planted themselves against the narrow doorway. For some time they were able to prevent the entrance of their assailants, but gradu

sons printed in the appendix to the Biographical ally their strength began to fail and

Memoir of Rev. John Williams, Hartford, 1837); An Account of ye destruction at Deerfd. febr 29, 1703/4, in Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1867, p. 478; Hoyt, Antiquarian Researches; Bancroft, vol ii., pp. 195–196.

See Church's Entertaining Passages, and accounts by Penhallow, Belknap, and Hutchinson.

they soon saw that they would be unable to bear the pressure any longer. The husband was about to cease his resistance when the wife, seeing that one of the half-naked Indians had al

PORT ROYAL CAPTURED.

ready forced himself into the doorway, seized a sharp pointed stick and with her whole force drove it into his body, killing him and compelling the other assailants to retreat.* The other inhabitants succeeded in repulsing the invaders, and finally drove them entirely out of the town.†

In 1707 Dudley secretly obtained the information that Canada was in a very weak condition, and he prevailed upon the authorities in Rhode Island and New Hampshire to join Massachusetts in an expedition against the French. One thousand men were gathered, and on May 13 the expedition set forth against Port Royal. Their efforts, however, were unsuccessful, and having burned and ravaged in every direction, and having made a second unsuccessful assault on Port Royal, they were compelled to retreat.‡ In 1708 a petition was sent to Queen Anne by Samuel Vetch, requesting that she terminate "this consuming war" of little less than 20 years duration, by making a final dash upon all the French possessions in America. All the north

* History of Haverhill, p. 122.

Hutchinson, vol. ii., p. 156; Massachusetts Hist. Coll., 2d series, vol. iv., p. 129; Sewall's Diary, vol. ii., p. 234; McMullen, Canada, pp. 8687; Bancroft, vol. ii., pp. 196-198.

Doyle, English Colonies in America, vol. iii., p. 351 et seq.; Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, vol. i., pp. 120-127; the account by Rev. John Barnard in Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vol. v., pp. 189-196; The Deplorable State of New England.

See Patterson, Memoir of Hon. Samuel Vetch, in Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, vol. iv.

459

ern colonies coöperated in raising and equipping troops, and the English government was asked to send all the reinforcements possible. The home authorities complied with the request, and in 1710 two English men-of-war with 500 marines aboard anchored in Boston harbor. With the troops that had been raised by the colonies, the united forces, under command of Francis Nicholson, succeeded in investing Port Royal which was in no condition to withstand a protracted siege. The French thereupon capitulated, and the English renamed the captured fortress Annapolis in honor of Queen Anne.* The English then began to plunder the inhabitants for many miles around, and all those with the exception of the inhabitants within three miles were compelled to undergo indescribable misery. A proposition was even made to drive them from their homes, "unless they would turn Protestants."

Nicholson then went to England to solicit further aid, and in June, 1711, returned to the colony with the information that a large body of troops and a number of ships would be sent over for the subjugation of Canada.

* Doyle, English Colonies, vol. iii., p. 369; Miles, Canada, pp. 256-258; Hutchinson, vol. ii., pp. 181-186; Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, vol. i., pp. 128-149; Nicholson's Journal of an Expedition for the Reduction of Port Royal, reprinted with other documents and the correspondence during the siege in Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, vol. i.; and the accounts of the various attacks in Shea, Charlevoix's History of New France, vol. v., pp. 169-172, 192-201, 225-230.

460 EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC FAILS; TREATY OF UTRECHT.

Shortly after his return a fleet of 15 ships under command of Sir Hovenden Walker, with 40 transports containing seven regiments of veterans of Marlborough's troops, arrived in Boston. It was not until July 30 that the expedition consisting of 7,600 men started forth against Quebec, various matters having delayed their sailing.* In addition to this force, a large body of troops had been sent to make an attack by land on Montreal, Nicholson going to Albany to take charge of this latter expedition. The fleet experienced all manner of trouble. It had not proceeded more than 10 leagues up the St. Lawrence, when the weather became tempestuous and foggy. The pilots and captains disputed among themselves as to the proper course to be taken, the pilots recommending one course and the officers another. The admiral preThe admiral preferred the advice of his own to that of any colonial pilot, and therefore proceeded according to his judgment. As a result, during the night, eight transports were driven upon the rocks and dashed to pieces, and nearly 1,000 lives were lost, while more than 600 were found floating on the wrecks. Thoroughly disheartened by this disaster, the admiral returned to England as rapidly as possible and arrived there in October. The New

These consisted of the seven British regi ments, 5,500 men, 600 marines, and 1.500 provincials, and with the sailors of the fleet the total for the fleet was 12.000. See Walker's Journal of the Canada Expedition.

England troops also returned to their homes, and Nicholson, having learned of the disaster to the fleet, also led his troops back to Albany. The colonists were highly indignant at the incapacity displayed by those in command, and unsparingly denounced their conduct which had caused them not only loss of lives but also heavy expense.* In 1713 the treaty of Utrecht was concluded between the warring nations, and the second intercolonial war came to an end. By this treaty the colonies gained considerable; possession of Hudson's Bay and the fur trade, and Newfoundland and Acadia, which now received the name of Nova Scotia, were given to them while the French only retained certain fishery privileges off Newfoundland.†

In the meanwhile the war had absorbed so much of the attention of the colonists that there was little time for other disputes, but as soon as their attention was diverted from the war, they began to quarrel among themselves, chiefly over the uses of money in the colony. So much paper money

*

Doyle, English Colonies in America, vol. iii., pp. 373-376; Schuyler, Colonial New York, vol. ii.; Parkman, Half-Century of Conflict, vol. i., pp. 150-175; Vetch's Journal of a Voyage Designed to Quebec in the Collections of the Nova Scotia Historical Society, vol. iv.; Smith, Canada, vol. i., pp. 167-177; Murray, British America, vol. i., pp. 201– 303; Heriot, Canada, pp. 399-404; Bancroft, vol. ii., pp. 199-203; Trumbull, History of Connecticut, vol. i., p. 373 et seq.

For the treaty see Chalmers, Collection of Treaties, vol. i., pp. 340-386 and for parts relating to America, MacDonald, Select Charters, pp. 229-232; Freeman Snow, Treaties and Topics in American Diplomacy, pp. 1-2.

THE DISPUTE OVER PAPER CURRENCY.

had been issued by this time to meet the expenses of the war particularly £40,000 which had been issued for the Canadian expedition-that it had become the chief medium of exchange to the exclusion of gold and silver. The price of commodities was no longer compared with the values of gold and silver, but with the paper bills, or rather with mere ideal pounds, shillings and pence. The rise of exchange in England and all other countries was not attributed to the want of a fixed staple medium, but to the generally poor conditions of trade, and a large body of colonists thought that by increasing the paper bills, trade would be encouraged and increased. There were three parties who held as many views regarding this question. The smallest party advocated the withdrawing of the paper bills from the channels of trade and reverting to silver and gold currency. One of the most active members of this party was Mr. Hutchinson of Boston who, during his whole life, was an enemy to a depreciating currency. A more numerous party favored the issuing of bills of credit, which all the members of the company were to receive in lieu of money. Though there was no certain fixed value as compared with gold and silver, real estate to the value of the bills issued was to be put up as security that the company should perform its engagemerts. They then solicited sanction of the General Court for their project,

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and requested that an act be passed by the government incorporating them. The members of this party consisted primarily of those who were in difficult or involved circumstances and those who were possessed of large amounts of real estate but little or no ready money, and as there were numerous persons in this condition in the colony, this party was quite large. The third party, while opposed to the plan just stated, favored bills of credit, but on a different basis. They favored the loan of bills by the government to any of the inhabitants who would mortgage their estates as security for the repayment of the bills with interest, at a certain fixed period, the interest to be paid annually for the support of the government. The most prominent members of the Council favored this policy, and as the first party thought this last plan the lesser of the two evils, they joined the third party. The question was therefore between a public and a private bank. The legislature was nearly equally divided on the subject, though sentiment seemed to favor the private bank because of the very great influence of the Boston members in the House, and a great number of persons of the town, out of it. The controversy gradually spread throughout the whole colony, and the differences of opinion divided towns, parishes, and even private families. The public bank, however, in 1714, after an exciting struggle, gained the

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