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which I could always lean-his wisdom in council, and his undaunted courage in action-the first impulse of my weakness was, as if I must retire from all share in public matters, and give them up in despair and despondency. A few months before, I had walked by his side along the same road where the funeral procession went on Friday, and I could remember the precise remarks he made to me by the particular points of the road, and my feeling was, as I said, that having lost such a pillar of strength in the cause of peace, that I could no longer persevere; but my second reflection was, that such is not the lesson which the life and example of Richard Cobden should teach, to any of his surviving friends; that man who, twenty-five years ago, lifted up his voice in the midst of this nation in favour of free trade and international peace, and who continued till the last day of his life faithful and unflinching to the principles of his youth. Was it right, then, that I should retire from the work which Providence has given me to do? No; but as the Carthagenian General, taking his little boy to the altar to swear eternal enmity to Rome, so I felt disposed, standing over the grave of my honoured and beloved friend, whose friendship had been for fifteen years the privilege and pride of my existence, to swear eternal fidelity to the cause of Peace-a cause for which he had done more than any man of his time, and I would, if it had been in my power, have taken hundreds of the rising youth of England, and there, over the grave of the man of Peace, have sworn them all to an unflinching fidelity to the same cause." (Cheers).

The following evening, accompanied by Mr. Pease, Mr. Richard attended and addressed an enthusiastic public meeting at Sunderland. Meetings were also addressed on the Peace question by Mr. Richard during 1865, at Gravesend, Tottenham, Deptford, Greenwich, and three in the Metropolis.

THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 1865

Proved of two-fold interest to Mr. Richard-firstly, in his efforts to influence the Electors to a right choice of candidates favourable to "Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform;" and secondly, it was the first occasion that an opportunity was presented to him to be a Parliamentary candidate.

Parliament was prorogued July 1865, having reached its

full term of existence, and Lord Palmerston appealed to the constituencies for a renewal of trust and of power, the seventeenth and last Parliament that the octogenarian Premier was elected to serve, for in October, 1865, his long political career closed.

At this election of 1865 there were few, if any, burning questions of political interest claiming the attention of the country, it was therefore especially a favourable opportunity to turn the attention of the electorate to questions of fiscal and foreign policy, and Mr. Richard availed himself of this political lull to the fullest advantage, and it may be said, with considerable success.

Mr. Richard issued on the eve of the elections an appeal to the electors of the Three Kingdoms, and he gave prominence to the question of international arbitration for the settlement of questions of dispute between Great Britain and the United States, arising out of the Civil War in America.

The United States Minister for Foreign affairs, Mr. Seward, had in a dispatch dated October 1863, suggested an arbitral reference of the Alabama dispute, which had been contemptuously refused by Lord Russell, and this made the question one of some practical importance for pressing on the attention of the electors and candidates.

The appeal of Mr. Richard also referred to the enormous military expenditure, and to the excessive number of military men, which was estimated at 327 Members that constituted the War element in the last Parliament.

On the former subject Mr. Richard stated at some length in the Morning Star more fully his views, and gave some striking figures in support of retrenchment, and he warned the electors not to be led away by stereotyped phrases,—“I am for all possible economy in the Public expenditure, consistent with the safety of the country,"—which he considered meant a blind and reckless squandering of the Public money for defence, and that it was not for the security of the

nation, to build wooden ships, nor to manufacture Armstrong guns, nor to have an unlimited extension of armaments, for it was proceeding on a mistaken foundation, and that the best way for national security, quoting Peel, Disraeli and Cobden, was to bring about a proportional and simultaneous disarmament.

When the General Election of 1865 was over, placing the Liberal party once more in power, Mr. Richard justly credited the Peace party with this political triumph, and for this reason: the Members of the Government, and Leaders of the party, and pre-eminently Mr. Gladstone, based a renewal of support on the ground that they had preserved peace, and that through all the periods of the American, the Danish and the Polish Wars, a policy of non-intervention had been adopted, and not only thereby averted the armed intervention of England, but that also they had negotiated the Commercial Treaty with France as a powerful factor for peace between the two nations; and lastly, the Ministerialists declared they had under the wise financial administration of Mr. Gladstone reduced three millions of taxation, which they declared would have been nine millions but for the expenditure of six millions sterling to restore, as Mr. Gladstone termed it, "our position in China."

These pacific results had been, it is true, achieved during the seven years' administration of Lord Palmerston, but they were due, and due alone, to the firm and determined stand of the Peace party in and out of Parliament; they were triumphs won by Cobden, Bright, and Richard, against almost overwhelming opposition, and in this triumph of all public men, they were most entitled to the renown, not simply in the return of the Liberal Administration to power, but what was of far greater moment, converted to a pacific policy abroad, and pledged to the adoption of non-intervention in foreign quarrels from which they had so narrowly escaped becoming involved in the American and European troubles from 1859 to 1865.

The General Election of 1865 was especially memorable for Mr. Richard in a personal direction, from the fact that he was invited for the first time in his public career as a candidate for a seat in Parliament.

The strong recommendation for this position came from the press of the Principality of Wales, the land of his birth, and in the columns of the Cymru appeared an earnest appeal to elect Mr. Richard for Cardiganshire, from which the following is an extract :—

"Honour yourselves, your country, and your religion, by determining to elect Henry Richard, the Apostle of Peace, the friend of Richard Cobden, to represent you in the next Parliament."

Mr. Richard accepted this call under a high sense of duty, and proceeded to Aberystwith to take the field against the sitting Member, Colonel Powell, and his appearance so frightened the Whig party that they immediately withdrew the Colonel and substituted for him a strong supporter of Lord Palmerston in the person of Sir Thomas Lloyd, and it was rendered more complicated by the candidature of Mr. David Davies; and Mr. Richard, rather than cause a division that would have endangered the Liberal seat, retired, much to the disappointment of his friends, but his chivalry for the party was amply rewarded three years later, as is subsequently shown.

THE INSURRECTION IN JAMAICA, 1865.

In January, 1866, intelligence reached this country of a deplorable outbreak in Jamaica, the causes of which forcibly illustrates the saying of Solomon, "Behold, what a great fire a little spark kindleth," and this outbreak, and the tornado of passionate revenge which followed, involved Mr. Richard and his friends of the Anti-Slavery Society, in much labour and anxiety, and a reference to these events is necessary.

It appears to have originated, partly from the arrest of a man brawling in the Court of Petty Sessions at Morant Bay, who was afterwards rescued by the populace, and partly by a trespass case on a plantation that had no owner, and the attempted arrests, and subsequent rescue of the prisoners were the accelerating causes of the outbreak. The Sessions House was defended by eighteen volunteers, and the rioters, who numbered 600, quickly overpowered them, massacred the Magistrates and Officials, and on the following day the mob occupied and plundered several towns in the Island, and much property was destroyed, and many lives were sacrificed.

On the same evening, Governor Eyre held a Council of War, and proclaimed Martial Law, and for several days the Militia and Volunteers hunted down the "rebels," and those who were not killed in the open were captured, tried by CourtMartial, found guilty, and shot or hung; and in this indiscriminate manner the rebellion was crushed.

Governor Eyre then proceeded to the arrest of the Hon. G. W. Gordon, a popular leader and member of the Assembly, who gave himself up voluntarily, when he was placed on the Wolferine, and despatched with troops to Morant Bay for trial.

The charge made against Gordon was, that he advised and incited the insurrection at Morant Bay on the 11th October, 1865, and that consequently he was responsible for the wholesale massacre which took place, and especially of Baron Von Ketelhodt, the Magistrates, and other officials assembled at the Court House at Kingston, and upon this charge he was arraigned before a Court-Martial, which consisted of three young Officers, and in a few hours, without Counsel or legal assistance, or time given for a proper defence, the Court adjudged him guilty of high treason, and sentenced him to be hung the following day, without any chance of an appeal either to the Government at home, or to the clemency of the Crown.

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