enthusiasm prevailed in favour of war, and where deep suffering was felt, and loud murmurs were raised, this movement for peace was universally received with a sentiment of joy and satisfaction. The French press, in giving vent to the public enthusiasm, severely censured the tone of distrust and defiance assumed by the leading articles of the London press, who were to their discredit doing all they could to prolong the war by heaping insults on Russia, by snarling at the pacific tone of the press of France, and everywhere sowing suspicions and objections against everything and everybody favourable to peace. This preposterous swagger and brag on the part of England was happily crushed by the moderation of the Allies, and at St. Petersburg the acceptance of a basis for pacific negotiations dissipated the fears and raised high hopes for the conclusion of this dishonourable war. The heavens cleared, the waters of fierce conflict began to abate, the dry land was discovered whereon the Ark of Peace might safely anchor after the storm, and soon on Ararat's plateau was seen the fulfilment of the dearest hope of the friends of peace, for "A voice angelic! Telling that no more the cannon "A voice angelic! Telling that the fratricidal Strife and bloodshed now shall cease, And again the busy millions, Cultivate the arts of peace." THE CONGRESS AT PARIS, 1856. In the prospect of the assembling of the Congress at Paris of the Plenipotentiaries of the Great Powers, Mr. Richard and his allies stirred themselves, and measures were promptly taken to secure the recognition by the Congress in the Treaty of the principle of arbitration in place of the brutal arbitrament of the sword. With this object in view a deputation was arranged, consisting of Richard Cobden, M.P., Milner Gibson, M.P., Lord Robert Grosvenor, M.P., George Hadfield, M.P., and others, to present to the Prime Minister, Viscount Palmerston, a memorial. The Prime Minister received it with marked courtesy, and listened to the able memorial with much interest, for how could it be otherwise, containing as it did the practical and reasonable proposition that "a provision might be introduced into the Treaty of Peace, binding the respective Governments to refer misunderstandings hereafter to the decision of an impartial arbitrator." Viscount Palmerston, in reply to this Memorial, and to the observations Mr. Cobden, Mr. Gibson, and Lord Grosvenor, gave a general approval of the principle, and said "that it was the duty and interest of Governments to adopt it, and he was quite sure that whoever might be charged with the government of this country, not to allow matters to involve them in a state of war," and further expressed a cordial sentiment in favour of the usefulness of associations for peace, in influencing the general opinion of mankind to prefer "the solid advantages of peace to the more dazzling results of war." Encouraged by this successful interview with the Premier, and the favourable opinions expressed by him on the main question, Mr. Richard and his coadjutors, impelled by a high sense of obligation to their own consciences, as well as in the justice of the sacred cause they stood forward as champions, they decided to advance one step further, a step it must be admitted the most responsible and important, full of the utmost gravity, and requiring the exercise of the keenest judgment and moderation, that can possibly be conceived. This mission was none other than to go to Paris, and in his own person, and by his own voice, to submit to the Sovereigns represented at the Congress and to their respective Plenipotentiaries, a Memorial, praying the Congress to recognise by Protocol the grand principle of international arbitration, as a means of settling international differences. The conception of such a mission, bold in design, the execution of the intricate details, the preparing of the memorial, performed with such delicate wisdom, a task of no ordinary character, it is needless to say was the work of a master-mind, and to the subject of this memorique, under the blessing of God, must the renown be given. He was nobly sustained in this most important mission by the counsel and labour of two men with a devotion and zeal not less remarkable to the cause of peace, both of whom have long since passed to their great reward, Joseph Sturge, and Charles Hindley, the latter M.P. for Wigan, and president of the Peace Society. All honour to this brave triumvirate, the heroic and historic three, who may well be compared to the "dauntless three " immortalized by Macaulay when he wrote, "And straight against that great array, Forth went the dauntless three." These men are the world's best and truest heroes, a nation's glory, and worthy to be imitated. They desired not renown, they aimed at no monumental tablet; not like the martial hero, who wins his laurels amid the din and carnage of the battlefield, emulating his comrades in deeds of slaughter and of bloodshed, heedless of the cries of the wounded, and the wholesale butchery of ten thousand fellow-creatures, "Who rush into an eternal state, Out of the very flames of rage and hate." Their's was a nobler and a grander because a more humane and Christian deed; their's was a conflict for humanity without bloodshed, a struggle for freedom and for peace, by the gentle but all powerful agency of reason and of justice founded on the great decree of the Most High, "who hath made of one blood all peoples to dwell in peace on the face of His earth." A few details of this important mission may not be without interest, closely identified as it was with the unwearied industry of Mr. Richard himself. It was in the month of April, 1856, Mr. Richard, Mr. Sturge, and Mr. Hindley, journeyed to Paris, in order to lay before the assembled Congress there, the subject of International Arbitration. They were the bearers of a memorial to the Emperors of France, Russia, and Austria, the Kings of Prussia and Sardinia, and the Sultan of Turkey. This memorial, signed by Joseph Sturge as Chairman of the Peace Conference Committee, and by Henry Richard as Secretary of the Peace Society, set forth the widespread moral and material desolation inflicted by war, it enforced the hazards inflicted on Europe by the absence of any system of "amicable reference," and urged that when the representatives of the Great Powers were assembled to arrange the future relations of Europe, the opportunity should be availed of to decide on a system of International Arbitration, and entreated individually each Plenipotentiary to promote the introduction into the Treaty of a provision for referring any disputes between Nations to an impartial and peaceful umpirage. A copy of this memorial was placed in the hands of each Plenipotentiary, and, in addition, an interview was obtained with each severally in support of its prayer. Happily, the president of the Congress, Lord Clarendon, was an enlightened statesman, ever favourably disposed to listen to counsels for peace, and to advance the common cause, so that when the deputation submitted the subject to his notice, he assured them that he would make an effort to bring the matter under the consideration of his colleagues. Lord Clarendon, on the 14th of April, faithfully fulfilled his trust, and having secured permission to bring the proposition before the Congress, he introduced the subject in a spirit that was most honourable to his character. An entire sitting was devoted to its discussion, and in the report of the proceedings of this discussion, Count Walewski, Ambassador for France, cordially concurred in the proposition as "being fully in accord with the tendencies of the Epoch." Count Buol, Ambassador for Austria, Baron Manteuffel, Ambassador for Prussia, Count Orloff, Ambassador for Russia, Count Cavour, Ambassador for Italy, orally supported the proposal, and accordingly a protocol was framed, the 23rd of the Treaty of Paris which declared as follows: "Whereupon the Plenipotentiaries do not hesitate to express, in the name of their Governments, the wish, that States between which any serious misunderstanding may arise, should, before appealing to arms, have recourse, as far as circumstances might allow, to the good offices of a friendly Power," and further, |