be called a wrangle for the keys of the Holy Places, sprang a mine, that in the following year burst with terrific fury, and involved Europe in a blaze. The question naturally arises, wherefore did England intervene? What rights, or privileges, or interests had she to safeguard? The answer is obvious. None whatever, except this, and so far as can be discovered it was the only pretext, namely, that vaunted "spirited policy," of a bygone time, and that proud prerogative of intervention, to maintain the "balance of power " in Europe. Into the intricate mazes of those prolonged and mysterious negotiations—a marvellous record of bungling diplomacy, beginning with this contemptible quarrel for the keys of the Holy Places at Jerusalem, and ending with the lamentable failure of the celebrated Vienna Note, a period of twelve months—it will be impossible here to enter. Against this policy of intervention by England in the affairs of Turkey, and of blind unnatural hatred of Russia, which precipitated the Crimean War, Mr. Richard nobly stirred himself, and of these efforts by voice and pen, by press and platform, a glorious record might be made. The times were eminently critical, and great as were the forces against which the Peace party had to contend, they fought nobly and unflinchingly to the last; an heroic band, Cobden and Bright, Sturge and Richard, and a host of others, whose deeds will ever live in grateful recollection, "On the bead-roll of time From the pen of Mr. Richard, at the earlier period of the threatened danger in the East, followed in quick succession various articles in the Press, laying bare with pitiless severity the intrigues of the War party, and exposing the flimsy character of the "casus belli," and by such an array of facts and arguments the Party of Peace were soon stirred into vigorous action to stave off the impending trouble. As an effectual way for holding aloft the banner of peace in the midst of the tumult, a great demonstration, to protest against the popular clamour, was held at Edinburgh in October, 1853, and mainly owing to the active exertions of Mr. Richard, this Conference proved an immense success. Similar to the great meetings at Manchester, it was eminently representative, with this addition that the chief towns of Scotland sent their leading men to stand side by side with the English friends of peace in that crisis, and the presence of the eminent leaders of the Peace party, Cobden and Bright, who, with admirable moral courage, dared to confront the tempest of obloquy, and by their masterly eloquence gave considerable èclat and interest to the proceedings. The sittings of the Conference, presided over by the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, Duncan MacLaren, late M.P. for that city, continued two days, and closed with an enthusiastic demonstration in the largest hall in Edinburgh. At this great meeting Richard Cobden spoke at considerable length a speech of commanding power, a clear stream of facts, arguments, and illustrations, arranged in the most perfect order, enforced with the most severe logic, and in a style so terse, compact, and forcible, that there was scarcely a waste word from beginning to end." He was followed by a gallant Admiral, Sir Charles Napier, who came down from London expressly to oppose the resolutions, but whose courage failed him in the trysting hour. Then followed Mr. Bright in a speech of wonderful power, which thrilled and swayed that vast audience "like the ocean, when moved by the wind," and inspiring all, as they gazed on his erect and resolute form like a pillar of state, and listened to the burning words stream from his lips, words of emphatic protest against the popular clamour, which was gradually drifting England into the dire calamity of war. Immediately after this great meeting, whilst the public feeling was fairly roused by the vigorous speeches of the Conference, Mr. Richard, joined by Mr. Bowly and Mr. Stokes, entered on a campaign of public agitation in Scotland, and addressed enthusiastic meetings, chief amongst which were Cupar, Dunfermline, Dundee, Perth, Aberdeen, Arbroath, Montrose, and Stirling. But the public mind was gradually becoming inflamed to the highest degree in favour of war, and public meetings in this state of boiling heat became dangerous, exasperating where they should have calmed the popular fury. During this period of national intoxication, when the voice of reason, the shriek of humanity, and the thunders of Heaven were drowned in the wild and passionate tumult for war, Mr. Richard, placed in a most trying position, displayed in an eminent degree a calmness and a courage most commendable. Whilst the nation was seething with a frenzied foam for war against Russia, he did not shrink from lifting his voice in language of stern admonition and rebuke, and when public utterances were crushed by the maddened shouts of infuriated mobs, maddened by drink and impelled by loot, then he wielded his eloquent pen, which "Supersedes the sword, That right not might shall be the word." Sometimes these effusions from his pen were a tractate, sometimes in the more formidable because arduous character of a pamphlet, but alike inculcating the true Christian principle of peace, and the untold because unspeakable calamities which war inevitably inflicts upon those dearest of British and world-wide interests-the interests of religion, morality, civilisation, and commerce. Addresses likewise were prepared and issued under his signature to various corporate bodies, and in the hope of withstanding the rising tide of a wrathful and warlike spirit, which was threatening to submerge the conscience of the nation, he indited an address to the Christian Ministers of the land, not only entreating them to restrain the revengeful and hateful passions, but exhorting them to besiege the Throne of the Most High to avert from Europe the terrible Scourge of war. This opportune appeal, couched in fitting language and full of touching pathos, received from not a few a cordial response, was read by them to their assembled congregations, and inspired not a few from their exalted positions to preach the truth, "On earth peace, and goodwill to men," and to invoke the sacred name, that "the plague might be stayed." One of the most valuable contributions of Mr. Richard's pen during this trying period of the war, and which deserves. especial mention, was a "History of the Origin of the War," drawn from parliamentary documents, issued in a pamphlet form, consisting mainly of a simple record of historical facts, eminently adapted for the crisis. It was a masterly production, based as it was on official documents, and received a most extensive circulation, and greatly assisted to modify the opinions of waverers as to the merits of the war, and to dispel the vague impressions and prejudices which, unhappily, the people of this country had formed so erroneous a judgment. Though the war fever was at its height, and the danger of addressing meetings was considerable, yet on several occasions, at the close of the year 1855, and at the beginning of 1856, Mr. Richard felt it to be his duty to brave the popular frenzy, and in London, and in Manchester, Norwich, Bristol, Cardiff, Newport, Luton, Dunstable, and Leighton Buzzard, and other places, he addressed large and often stormy meetings. In this campaign he was aided by Mr. Samuel Bowly, who displayed a devoted zeal and valiant spirit worthy of the cause, and at Nottingham, Coventry, Worcester, and Leicester and other towns lectured to large audiences in favour of peace, and by the power of his persuasive eloquence, and the justice of the arguments, carried conviction to his hearers. At Cardiff, where a panic had well-nigh seized the town in anticipation of the meeting, Mr. Richard met with considerable opposition, and his reception may be characterised as threatening. He was placarded in the town as an emissary of the Czar, and the magistrates were compelled to take precautionary measures to keep the peace. Undaunted by this display of rowdyism, true to his mission, "his spirit failed him not," he faced the turbulence of the mob, and for two hours, in spite of much violent interruption, nobly advocated the great principles, not as an "Emissary of the Czar," but as an emissary of the Prince of Peace, and at the close to avoid further violence and tumult, the Mayor wisely dissolved the meeting. Such exhibitions of frenzied zeal, amidst his own Welsh countrymen, in favour of the prosecution of the war, happily were not repeated, and he was permitted in several of the towns of the Principality to continue his campaign. Thirtysix years have passed away, and not alone in Cardiff, but throughout the kingdom, a great and remarkable change in opinion has dawned. The teaching lessons of history, the bitter fruits of experience, have brought home to the conscience of the nation the justice and the wisdom of the noble stand which Mr. Richard and the friends of peace then made against the folly and wickedness of the Crimean War. Cardiff and its honourable citizens pre-eminently have long since buried the hatchet of war, they have long since and amply condoned for that violence and wrong to one, who has been for many years hailed as their foremost chieftain in the cause of Peace and Freedom. A noble reparation has been made, and we rejoice to know that Cardiff is sound to the core for the great principles of peace which they once despised, and loyal to a man, to the memory and worth of a fellow-countryman whom they once reviled and persecuted. In 1856 a gleam of sunshine burst through the clouded sky of European affairs, and shed a bright ray of hope for peace over the blood-stained battle-fields of the Crimean peninsula, where a million of men were echeloned in hostile array engaged in the horrid work of wholesale human carnage. In France, especially in the capital, Paris, where little |