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Abolition Abolitionism Abolitionists Abraham Lincoln adopted answer argument believe Buchanan charge Charleston clause compromise measures compromise of 1850 Congress convention course of ultimate decide Declaration of Independence Democratic party doctrine Douglas's Dred Scott decision election English bill exclude slavery exist fact favor forgery free and slave Freeport friends Galesburg Henry Clay hold Illinois insist institution of slavery Judge Douglas labor Lanphier Lecompton constitution legislation Lincoln matter ment Missouri Nebraska bill negro never North Ohio old-line Whig opinion opposed ordinance of 87 passed peace platform popular sovereignty principle prohibit proposition public mind regard Republican party Senate sentiment slave-trade slavery question South Springfield stand stitution suppose Supreme Court tell Territory thing tion Toombs bill true Trumbull Trumbull's ultimate extinction Union United United States Senate vote wrong
Page 111 - A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this Government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved, I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push...
Page 89 - I hold that notwithstanding all this there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
Page 225 - Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State constitution?
Page 201 - I have no purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so.
Page 65 - Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.
Page 155 - This they said, and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Page 285 - A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and, with their capital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to neither class -neither work for others, nor have others working for them.
Page 202 - I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races — that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to inter-marry with white people...
Page 286 - Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many independent men everywhere in these States a few years back in their lives were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors for wages...