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or interfere with, your institution, in your own States.
"I have disowned any intention on the part of the Republican party to harm a hair of your heads. We hold to no doctrine that can possibly work you any inconvenience-any wrong-any disaster. We have been and shall remain faithful to all the laws, studiously so. It is not, by your own confessions, that Mr. Lincoln is expected to commit any overt act by which you may be injured. You will not even wait for any, you say; but by anticipating that the Government may do you an injury you will put an end to it which means, simply and squarely, that you intend either to rule or ruin this Govern
"As to compromises, I supposed that we had agreed the day of Compromise was at an end. The most solemn we have made have been violated, and are no more. Since I have had a seat in the Senate, one of considerable antiquity was swept from our
Mr. Wade adverted, at some length, to the question of a right of secession, assuming that it was revolution, which, if successful, would make all concerned in it heroes-if unsuccessful, would submit every participator's neck to the halter. The President, he held, had but one course to pursue to sustain the Constitution and the laws. Washington City was founded by the "Father of his Country" to be the capital of the Union, and it should never be anything else. He himself had lived, and hoped to die, under the folds of the flag consecrated by the blood and sacrifices of his own father.
This speech caused a sensation throughout the country. It was not the impulse of a moment, made in anger or haste. It was deliberate and well considered; and, being the first utterance of a Republican leader, was properstatute book; and when in the minority I stood up ly regarded as an exposition of the views and
here and asked you to withhold your hands-that it was a solemn, sacred compact between nationswhat was the reply? That it was nothing but an act of Congress, and could be swept away by the same majority which enacted it. That was true in fact and true in law, and it showed the weakness of compro
purposes of the dominant party. The Senate, during its delivery, was crowded with anxious listeners in the galleries, while many members of the Lower House found places on the floor. It was accepted as the declaration of the party, and its words were weighed by the public, thoughtfully and scrutinizingly, as the great occasion demanded.
In the House, Monday, various propositions were submitted, for compromises, amendments to the Constitution, calling of a Nationa Convention, &c. A resolution, offer
"We beat you on the plainest and most palpable issue ever presented to the American people, and one which every man understood; and now, when we come to the capital, we tell you that our candidates must and shall be inaugurated-must and shall administer this government precisely as the Constitution prescribes. It would not only be humiliating, but highly dishonorable to us, if we listened to any compromise by which we should layed by Mr. Adrian, (Dem.,) of New Jersey,— aside the honest verdict of the people. When it after an amendment on motion of John Cochcomes to that you have no government, but anarchy rane, (Dem.,) of New York, including in the intervenes, and civil war may follow, and all the recommendation the repeal of all Personal evils that human imagination can raise may be con- Liberty bills, so called-was adopted by a sequent upon such a course as that. The American vote of 151 Yeas to 14 Nays:— people would lose the sheet anchor of Liberty whenever it is denied on this floor that a majority fairly given shall rule. I know not what others may do, but I tell you, that with that verdict of the people in my pocket, and standing on the platform on which these candidates were elected, I would suffer any thing before I would compromise in any way. I deem it no case where we have a right to extend courtesy or generosity. The absolute right, the most sacred that a free people can bestow upon any man, is their verdict that gives him a full title to the office he holds. If we cannot stand there we cannot stand anywhere, and, my friends, any other verdict would be as fatal to you as to us."
"Whereas, The Constitution of the United States is the supreme law of the land, and its ready and faithful obedience a duty of all good and law-abiding citizens. Therefore,
dience to the Constitution, wherever manifested, and
After some skirmishing with the Southern members, Mr. Lovejoy, (Rep.,) of Illinois, pressed the following to a vote:
| for a State to withdraw from the Union. Referred to the Committee of Thirty-three.
Mr. Crawford (Dem.) of Georgia, offered a motion declaring that the Constitution recog nizes property in slaves; that Congress as passed laws to aid slave-holders in recaptur their slaves whenever they escape and make their way into the Free States; that the Supreme Court has decided that negroes are not included either in the Declaration of
Resolved, That we deprecate the spirit of disobedience to the Constitution wherever manifested, and that we earnestly recommend the repeal of all Nul-ing lification laws; and that it is the duty of the President to protect and defend the property of the United States."
This forced a direct issue upon all. It
passed by a vote of 124-the Southern members quite generally refusing to vote. Nays,
Resolved by the House of Representatives, That we properly estimate the immense value of our National Union to our collective and individual happiness; that we cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it; that we will speak of it as of the palladium of our political safety and prosperity; that we will watch its preservation with jealous
anxiety; that we will discountenance whatever
Independence or in the Constitution except
as slaves; that they cannot become citizens; and we, the members of the House of Representatives, will sustain and support the construction of the Constitution, the laws, and the said decision of the Supreme Court. This resolution was tabled Tuesday.
In the Senate, Tuesday (Dec. 18) the procedings took an additional interest by the introduction of schemes of compromise by Messrs. Lane, (Dem.) of Oregon, and Crittenden, (American) of Kentucky. The first-named declared the Government to be unfitted for the exigencies of the times and proposed Commissioners to suggest remedies, &c. This silly and impracticable scheme was, on motion of Mr. Douglas, very properly "laid over." Mr. Crittenden's series was as follows:
"Whereas, Alarming differences have arisen between the Northern and Southern States, as to the
and it is eminently desirable and proper that the dissensions be settled by the Constitutional provisions which give equal justice to all sections, and thereby restore peace, Therefore,
may suggest, even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned, and indignantly frown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts; that we regard it as a main pillar in the edifice of our real independence, the support of tran-rights of the common Territory of the United States, quillity at home, our peace abroad, our safety, our prosperity, and that very liberty which we so highly prize; that we have seen nothing in the past, nor do we see anything in the present, either in the election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, or from any other existing cause, to justify its dissolution; that we regard its perpetuity as of more value than the temporary triumph of any party or any man; that whatever evils or abuses exist under it ought to be corrected within the Union, in a peaceful and constitutional way; that we believe it has sufficient power to redress every wrong and enforce every right growing out of its organization or pertaining to its proper functions; and that it is a patriotic duty to stand by it as our hope in peace and our defense in war."
This was passed by 115 to 44--several Northern Democrats, including Messrs. Sickles and Florence, voting nay.
Mr. Sickles, (Dem.,) of New York, introduced a resolution proposing, as an amendment to the Constitution, an article arranging
"Resolved, That by the Senate and House of Representatives, the following article be proposed and submitted, as an amendment to the Constitution, which shall be valid as part of the Constitution, when ratified by the Convention of three-fourths of the people of the States:
First. In all the Territories now or hereafter acquired, north of lat. 36 deg. 30 min., Slavery, or involuntary servitude, except for the punishment for crime, is prohibited; while, in all the Territory South of that latitude, Slavery is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress, but shall be protected, as property, by all departments of the Territorial Government, during its continuance. All the Territory north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, when it contains a population necessary for a Member of Congress, with a republican form of government, shall be admitted into the Union, on an
equality with the original States, with or without | called for the use of force in sustaining the Slavery, as the Constitution of the State shall pres- laws. He said: cribe.
Second. Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery in the States permitting Slavery.
Third. Congress shall have no power to abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia while it exists in Virginia and Maryland, or either; nor shall Congress, at any time, prohibit the officers of the Government or Members of Congress, whose duties require them to live in the District of Columbia, from bringing slaves there, and holding them as such.
Fourth. Congress shall have no power to hinder the transportation of slaves from one State to another, whether by land, navigable rivers, or sea. Fifth. Congress shall have power, by law, to pay an owner who shall apply the full value for a fugitive slave, in all cases when the Marshal is prevented from discharging his duty by force or rescue, made after arrest. In all such cases the owner shall have power to sue the county in which the violence or rescue was made, and the county shall have the right to sue the individuals who committed the wrong, in the same manner as the owner could
Sixth. No further amendment or amendments shall affect the preceding articles, and Congress shall never have power to interfere with Slavery in the States where it is now permitted.
The last resolution declared that the Southern States have a right to the faithful execution of the law for the recovery of slaves; and such laws ought not to be repealed or modified so as to impair their efficiency. All laws in conflict with the Fugitive Slave law it shall not be deemed improper for Congress to ask the repeal of. The Fugitive Slave Law ought to be so altered as to make the fee of the Commissioner equal, whether he decides for or against the claimant ; and the clause authorizing the person holding the warrant to summon a posse comitatus to be so as to restrict it to cases where violence or rescue is attempted. The laws for the suppression of the African slave trade ought to be effectually executed.
Mr. Powell's resolution for a Committee of Thirteen on the Crisis was adopted- the Speaker to name the members-and Mr. Crittenden's resolutions were referred to it.
The duties now are the same as in 1793 and 1832; the consequences belong to God. He intended to discharge his duty, whatever the consequences may be. Have we not the power to enforce the laws in the State of South Carolina, as well as in the State
of Vermont or any other State? And, notwithstanding they may resolve and declare themselves absolved from all allegiance to this Union, yet it does not save them from the compact. If South Carolina drives out the Federal Courts from the State, then the Federal Government has a right to re-establish the Courts. If she excludes the mails, the Federal Government has a right and the authority to carry the mails. If she resists the collection of revenue in the port of Charleston, or any other ports, then the Government has a right to enter and enforce the law. If she undertakes to take possession of the property of the Government, the Government has a right to take all means to retain that property. And if they make any effort to dispossess the Government, or to resist the execution of the Judicial system, then South Carolina puts herself in the wrong, and it is the duty of the Government to see the judiciary faithfully executed. Yes, Sir, faithfully executed. In December, 1805, South Carolina made a deed of cession of the
land on which these forts stand-a full and free ces
sion-with certain conditions, and has had possession of these forts till this day. And now has South Carolina any right to attempt to drive the Government from that property? If she secedes, and makes any attempt of this kind, does she not come within the meaning of the Constitution, where it speaks of levying war? And in levying war, she does what the Constitution declares to be treason. We may as well talk of things as they are, for if anything can be treason, within the scope of the Constitution, is not levying war upon the Government, treason? Is not attempting to take the property of the Government and expel the Government soldiers therefrom, treason? Is not attempting to resist the collection of the revenue, attempting to exclude the mails, and driving the Federal Court from her borders, treason? What is it? I ask, in the name of the Constitution, what is it? It is treason, and nothing but treason."
He, at some length, reviewed the philosophy of secession, and gave the President's Ostend Manifesto a very practical application. It was necessary to purchase Cuba in order to prevent a foreign power from occupying soil so closely conjoined to the United States to be in other hands. Yet, here it was proposed to erect a foreign Government right in the
heart of the country, to obstruct its commerce, | altar of our common country, to lay the Con
to excite war on its borders, and to endanger its stability.
Has South Carolina any right to draw her sister States into one common ruin? Mr. Johnson here quoted from Gov. Gist's Message and from Mr. Keitt's speeches to show that such was the intention. He (Johnson) would tell South Carolina that, as far as Tennessee was concerned, she would not be dragged into a Southern or any other Confederacy until she had time to consider about it! He would also tell the Northern States that Tennessee would not be driven out of the Confederacy either. If the Abolitionists wanted to abolish Slavery, the first step they would take would be to dissolve the Union. The existence of Slavery demands a preservation of the Union. What protection will the Border States have if the Union is dissolved, whose property is at stake, and whose interests are most endangered? If a division were commenced, where would it stop? Rather than see the Government divided into thirtythree petty, wrangling powers, he would see it a consolidated Government and consolidated power. What is the reason for disunion? Because our man was not elected! If Mr. Breckenridge had been elected, not one would have wanted to break up the Union; but Mr. Lincoln is elected, and now they say they will break up the Union. He said, No. What was there to fear? Mr. Lincoln was a minority President. Let South Carolina send her Senators back, and Mr. Lincoln cannot even make a Cabinet without the consent of the Senate. Was he to be such a coward as to retreat when it was evident the South had the power in their own hands? Was he to be so cowardly as to desert a noble band at the North who stood by the South on principle? Yet, for a temporary defeat it is proposed to turn our backs on them and leave them to their fate. We have nothing to do but to stand firmly at our posts like men, and in four years' time Lincoln and his party will both be hurled from power. What reason, then, is there for desertion and the breaking up of the Government? He believed that we could obtain all needed guarantees. He entreated every patriot to come forward in the spirit of brotherly love, to stand around the
stitution upon it, and to swear that the Constitution shall be maintained and the Union preserved. He thought it better to preserve the Union, even if we had a quarrel with the North sometimes. It was better to quarrel with the North occasionally than to quarrel among ourselves. Mr. Johnson here referred to the remark of the Senator from Georgia (Iverson) about some Texas Brutus arising to relieve that State of her Governor unless he should conform to the wishes of the people. This, he (Johnson) said, does not look much like harmony. He appealed to the South to pause and consider before they rashly go too far. He earnestly appealed to the North to come forward with propositions of peace, conciliation, and concession. They know that Congress has power to-day to arrest secession and save the Union. Will they come forward, or desert the sinking ship? For one he would stand supporting the edifice of his country as long as human efforts could last. Mr. Johnson closed with a strong, earnest, and eloquent appeal for all to stand by the Constitution and the Union,
Settled System of Deception.
This speech from a Southern man of great influence in his State materially strengthened the cause of the Union. It awakened the Union men of the Border Slave States to a full comprehension of the crisis and its relations to their interests; for, unlike all other Union speeches, it had a large circulation among the people of those States. [A part of the system of disunion tactics, from the early stages of the movement, was to keep the large body of the people ignorant of the true nature of the relations and sentiments of the North by suppressing except in garbled and perverted versions-all documents and statements calculated to enlighten the Southern people, in the fullest sense. Probably the world never has known so intelligent a people to be so hoodwinked and deceived by its orators and presses as the people of the Southern States during the year 1860. A Northern man, cognisant of all sides of the argument, and knowing all the given facts of parties, principles and men, in reading a paper published anywhere South of Kentucky would be
GOVERNOR PICKENS' INAUGURAL.
amazed at its apparent ignorance. It was but (Republican), of Massachuapparent, however; for, with free access to all setts, read a resolution, “for correct sources of information, Southern edi-information," as follows: tors could have produced as correct journals as their readers had a right to demand. That they, daily and weekly, issued papers, every column of which was loaded with misstatements, and with matter calculated to in-sation, and subsequently in a written communication fluence the passions and prejudices of Southern men against the North, against the Union, against individuals and enterprises, is to their lasting dishonor; and the future historian will refer to them as exemplars of a policy from which Machiavelli could have drawn rich materials with which to instruct his Prince. Constant familiarity with Southern journals for several years past has forced us to believe that the press of the South is more directly responsible for the revolution than the leading actors in it. This view is confirmed by the opinions of many eminent and candid Southern men.]
"Whereas, by report of the proceedings in the State Convention of South Carolina, held on the 19th inst., the Hon. Wm. Porcher Miles, a Member of this House, used the following language: In a conver
to the President, I know this to have been said: 'If you send a solitary soldier to these forts, the instant the intelligence reaches our people, and we shall take care that it does reach us before it can reach the forts, the forts will be taken, because such a course is necessary to our safety and self-preservation; therefore,
The Committee of
"Resolved, That the President be required to communicate to the House what information he has received, either oral or in writing, to the effect that if the forts of Charleston are further reinforced, the forts will be taken by any force or authority hostile to the authority and supremacy of the United States."
The reading of this resolution and preamMr. Breckenridge, Speak-ble caused much excitement on the Southern Taken in connection er of the Senate, on the side of the House. 20th, announced the Com- with Mr. Clarke's Resolution of Inquiry in mittee of Thirteen, on the Crisis, under Mr. the Senate, it foreshadowed a purpose to Powell's resolution, viz. :-Messrs. Powell, compel the President to reveal all his dealHunter, Crittenden, Seward, Toombs, Doug-ings with the conspirators against the Union las, Collamer, Davis, Wade, Bigler, Rice, -a revelation which Southern Members, and Doolittle and Grimes. Mr. Davis (Reuben), a few Northern Democrats strenuously opposed.
of Mississippi, was, at his own request, excused, "on account of the position in which the State stood." He afterwards, however, consented, at the request of Southern Senators, to serve.
No further proceedings of interest to our subject transpired in either Houses during the week, the Pacific Railroad Bill, the Deficiency Bill, &c., &c., being under considera
In the House, December 20th, Mr. Delano | tion.