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ing-class of white men, that will be the one to go on and prosper, and become the leader of the New World."

The London Star.

The London Morning Star (January 21st) proposed to grant the Slave States the right to secede from the Union, but based its proposition upon such grounds as the Southern States must have repudiated:

"There are thousands of noble-hearted men and

women in the Northern States who have a hearty hatred of that moral complicity in the barter of human flesh and blood, which has been forced upon them by their political organization. They know that many of the blemishes which the foes of Freedom have signalized in their republican institutions and social condition arise from the presence, in the consideration of a system essentially anti-republican, and as hateful to God as it is injurious to man. They feel that its alliance with the North has been to the South as that presence of a few good men which would have induced the Almighty to spare the guilty city; and that, had the Slave States stood alone, Slavery would probably before this have been numbered among obsolete iniquities. Various considerations may have induced them to refrain from seeking themselves to break the bond which led to such disastrous consequences; but now that the South sues for a divorce, why should they oppose the prayer? Let the Seceding States carry out their insane project, and base their new nationality upon the principle that man has a right of property in immortal beings; they will soon discover that they have built their house upon a heap of crumbling sand. The blessing of God will assuredly never rest upon that flag which, in a fair division of the emblem of the existing Union, should retain the Stripes without the Stars. If the men of the North have a clear perception of their duty and of the true

interests of humanity, they will stay the hand of violence which has already been upraised, abandon all idea of coercion, and suffer the South to pursue unchecked its mad career."

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touch the one great interest of their political life. They have cried out so long that all scruples about Slavery are cant and affectation, that they not only believe it, and believe that we believe it, but they even expect us to make a sacrifice of political credit and consistency by avowing our previous insincerity, and this for considerations that would certainly never have induced us to interfere in behalf of Hungary or Italy, whom we did desire to aid with all our hearts. Such infatuation is absolutely appall ing. It seems to indicate that a kind of monomania blinds the Southern States on all subjects closely connected with their cotton and their slaves. We doubt if anything we can say will open their eyes. But we are at least bound in the name of the mercantile classes of England to tell them that any proposal to intervene on their behalf in the struggle against the Federal Government of the Union, would be scouted nowhere with more scorn and

indignation than in those districts of England which would benefit most by free trade with the United States."

The reader may express surprise that the same journal, and, doubtless, the same editor, at a later day, became the champion of an English recognition of the Slave Confederacy; but, in England as in all the rest of the world, self-interest is all-powerful. It is 80 easy to make Principle sick, and to call in Policy as the doctor!

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"The United States of America are not in existA Free and a Slave Republic occupy their place, and stand side by side; destined to be rivals—

perhaps to be enemies; while a third Republic, or confederation of Republics, to the west of the Rocky Mountains on the fertile shores of the Pacific, is certain to assert its independence at no distant date, and to form the nucleus of another powerful em pire. * * * The disruption of the American Union is as much a fait accompli as the English Revolution of 1688, or the coup d'état that set Napoleon III. upon the throne; and if there be any statesmanship in the North, or in the South, the only wise policy is to acknowledge it, and make the best

of it."

But the Review entertained little sympathy for the South and its political philosophy. It predicted the early inauguration of a monarchy over the downfall of republicanism:





"It is obvious that Mr. Calhoun's doctrine, car

ried to its legitimate length, contains within itself the germ of the downfall of Republicanism. Already the slaveholders constitute an oligarchy, and from an oligarchy to a despotism the gradations are not very slow or painful even in times of peace, while they are facile as the descensus averni in periods

of public danger, when war, offensive or defensive,

opens the career of victory to any ambitious and guccessful soldier who has audacity enough to snatch at a crown and sceptre. There may be nothing positively new under the sun; but in modern times, or within the record of history, the world has not seen such a Republic, or such a system of government as that which has sprung into existence upon the shores of the Mexican Gulf. Its short history is the marvel of our time, and its continued existence will be one of the most singular problems of our

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"Some are puzzled to know whether the treaties now subsisting between the United States and this country will continue if the Southerners succeed in separating themselves and setting up a Confederation for themselves. Such an event is spoken of as a dissolution of the Union of the States. If the contract had been made between this country and the several States, as States, no doubt the secession of some of them would free the others from the obligation of fulfilling the treaty. But the contract is with the American Union, the subjects of which consist of those who, while they owe it certain duties, owe their own States certain other duties. Even after the British Government lost Smith O'Brien, Mitchel, and Meagher, the treaties with foreign Powers were still binding. So, when Francis II. lost Sicily, or Austria lost Lombardy, the treaties with the Powers not at war continued binding. So it is in America. If the secession succeeds, the American Union will lose a certain number of subjects. Nay, more; any European Government will be at perfect liberty to make whatever treaties it pleases with those who have seceded; but the American Union will still subsist, weakened though it be by the loss of many citizens. This is the conclusion which inevitably flows from the nature of the American Constitution as we have explained it."

It will be evident, from these extracts, that British journalists well comprehended the position of affairs in America, and their judgments, for that reason, are worthy of attention. Americans, absorbed in the events of the hour and swayed by the feelings of partisans, could not be expected to pronounce a disinterested judgment on the revolution; but, those intelligent observers, so far removed from the scene of disaster as to be unin fluenced by its passions or results, could be regarded as reliable arbiters. If, at a future day when the progress of the revolution had closed Southern ports, had cut off Brit. ish looms from their supply of cotton and a profitable market for their products — the English press allowed its unanimity of condemnation to become broken, it was a pocket, rather than a heart or head, impulse that instigated paragraphs devoted to the Southern cause and Southern interests.

Queen Victoria's "Kind Regards."

The Queen of England, at the opening of Parliament, (February 5th,) delivered her annual speech, in the course of which she referred in terms of kindness towards the American people that showed how anxiously the throne regarded the controversy:

"Serious differences have arisen among the States of the North American Union. It is impossible for me to look without great concern upon any events which can affect the happiness and welfare of a people purely allied to my subjects by descent, and closely connected with them by the most intimate and friendly relations. My heartfelt wish is, that these difficulties may be susceptible of satisfactory adjustment. The interest which I take in the wellbeing of the people of the United States cannot but be increased by the kind and cordial reception given by them to the Prince of Wales during his recent visit to the Continent of America."

As the Prince only visited the Northern States and Virginia-and, as the only insult he received was on Slave soil, at Richmond - the Northern States did not hesitate to appropriate to themselves her interest in their "well-being."

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of Britons are only consumers of Slave products from necessity. Manchester looms, so wholly dependent on cotton, might be fairly presumed to hum the pæans of Slavery; but, so far from this being true, the stoppage of the supply from America was seized upon as

the most propitious moment for opening new sources of cotton culture, and thus to sever, forever, their dependence on the Southern States for a staple every fibre of which looked black even in its whiteness-every boll of which seemed, to them, a human tear.





The Secret Enginery of the Rebellion.

THE Southern States, less from inanition. A thousand devices from the first stages of were conceived to accomplish the desired their rebellion against the end; and the secret history of the insurrecFederal Government, put forward, as a justi- tion, if it ever shall be divulged, will be fication, the oppressions of that central power, found rich in intrigue, profuse in duplicity, and cited the Declaration of Independence mighty in falsehood-all directed to the one as their defence. The parallel was indig- purpose of "firing the Southern heart." nantly denied by Northern men, as these pages will testify-in Congress and out of it, an overwhelming sentiment pronounced the rebellion "causeless, wicked, and unnatural," with "no justification in the law of the country, nor in the higher law of self-protection." From this very denial sprung the passions and impulses necessary to feed the fires of discord; and watchful "guardians of Southern interests" were not slow to fan the flames to a point of lawlessness necessary to "precipitate" States into the vortex of insurrection. Success in the secession movement depended solely on the ability of the leaders to fire the popular passions to the point of hate of the North and defiance of its association. Without a complete success in that direction, the revolution would become nerve

We have casually adverted to the animosity shown, in certain sections, towards Northern persons and interests, and promised a chapter of incidents to illustrate the spirit engendered by the revolutionists, by which to plunge the populace into their wild schemes. The fitting place for such a chapter is the close of this volume, which is rather a record of the preliminary condition of the revolution, than of the results which followed upon its full development, after the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln.

The repudiation of debts due to Northern merchants and manufacturers became one of the earliest and most exciting facts of the Southern movement. It argued a demoralized sentiment of probity, which equally alarmed and angered the Northern people,





Visitations on Northern Creditors.

The spirit of anger was fast culminating, not in a national, or even sectional resentment, but in a species of inhuman personal malice which served to ally that revolution to the Sepoy drama.

The Richmond Whig (March 15th) said: "It is a melancholy fact that a larger amount of mob violence has been developed in Virginia, since the Secession movement began, than in the whole previous lifetime of the State. There has been manifested an intolerance of spirit never before

dently on the increase, and bodes no good to law and order, and to the peace and prosperity of the citizens of the State, and if not checked and repressed, and that without delay, it will lead to riot,

The Southern merchants | possessions. To meet these refugees in Northhad, in exception to all ern cities became of such frequent occurcommercial usage, obtained rence, in February and March, that the pubcredits to an extraordinary amount, upon lic almost tired of their uniform stories of extraordinary time. A customer had but to injuries received and sufferings endured. say, "I am from the Cotton States," in order to obtain almost any credit desired. That secret and powerful inquisition, the "Commercial Agency," was scarcely consulted as to the Southerner's personal standing and commercial responsibility-so eager was the deluded merchant to secure a "Southern trade." The wretched list of failures in the winter and spring of 1861 ever will remain as a monument of Northern commercial temerity, in the matter of Southern credits. The spirit which found an excuse for al-known; and, what is more, such intolerance is evilowing paper to go to protest, and followed the protest with a note expressing satisfaction at the refusal to pay, soon betrayed itself in a passage of "stay" laws, in the Seceded States, and in the visitations of violence upon all agents of Northern business firms who sought out the recreant debtor in hopes of obtaining some satisfaction for the overdue claim. Lawyers banded together not to receive Northern claims for collection, while the people banded together to drive away any unlucky wight who proposed to do what the lawyers refused-to collect his own accounts. The agents, however, soon "made themselves scarce," as the vulgar, but significant, announcements in the papers recorded. Tar and feathers, and an escort of a "committee of citizens" to the nearest railway station, were such inevitable results as served to rid ⚫ an "indignant community" of all "Northern vagabonds" early iu the year (1860.)


of Violence.

These occasional perseThe Early Symptoms cutions of collectors and agents seemed to engendan appetite for the excitement; and it became a very honorable calling for committees to spy out every man of Northern birth to seek to inculpate him in some way, in order to allow of the usual warning "to leave." As early as February these inquisitions became so frequent that large numbers of persons-chiefly Northernborn mechanics and tradesmen, who had found employ and a business in the Southfled for their lives, leaving behind all their

revolution, and fraternal bloodshed."

This is simply confirmatory of our statement hitherto made (see page 419) of the fearful spread of the spirit of violence throughout the Cotton States, where almost every youth sported his pistol and rapier, and shared the space in his mouth equally between oaths and tobacco. It was one of the first fruits of insurrection. Lawlessness towards government soon begat lawlessness towards society-the dragon's teeth grew with fearful fecundity. The demoralization betrayed itself even in the changed tone of the secession portion of the Southern press. As an evidence, we may quote one of a great many similar notices made of General Scott -even by professedly respectable journals like the Richmond Inquirer. The Montgomery (Alabama) Mail (February 6th) contained this paragraph:

Advice to Southern

"We observe that the students of Franklin College, Georgia, burned General Scott in effigy a few days ago,' as a traitor to the South.' This is well. If any man living deserves such infamy, it is the Lieutenant-General of the (Yankee) United States.

And we have a proposition to make, thereanent, to all the young men of the South, wherever scattered, at school or college; and that is, that they burn this man in effigy all through the South on the evening of the 4th of March next. The students of the South are an importaut class of our rising genera

Instances of Outrages and Suffering.

ner procured bail from some of his countrymen, but these men were compelled to withdraw their bond, under threats of a similar course towards themselves for be

tion. Let them make an epoch in the history of our sunny land, to which legend, and tale, and song shall point in after years. General Scott deserves this grand infamy. He is a traitor to the soil of his birth; false to all the principles of the Commonwealth which nurtured him; the tool, willing, pli-ing "dangerous" citizens. The matter was

ant, and bloody, of our oppressors; and it is meet that his name should descend to our posterity as a word of execration! What say the students?"

"compromised, out of consideration for his (Gardiner's) wife and children," by having his household goods hastily thrust on a little schooner-on which Gardiner and his family, perfectly penniless, were sent to New York. All his property and improvements passed into the hands of the good Southern Rights man who had instigated the mob, and com

Some notices of the war-worn veteranwho had added more glory to the American name than any man since the "Father of his Country" were so violent and vulgar as to forbid their repetition here, even though they might reflect, with stinging severity, upon a state of society which could be pleased pelled the authorities to the deed of violence.

with such impotent malice.

Instances of Outrages

To show the nature of the persecutions inflicted and Suffering. on those "suspected,” in the revolutionary States, we shall cite a few from the numerous well-authenticated instances, that they may stand before a Christian world as an evidence of the civilization which springs from a state of society like that which controls the Southern States of America.

An advertisement appeared in a New York daily, February 18th, as follows:

"FARMING MANAGER.-An Englishman by birth, having had very extensive experience in breeding, raising, buying and selling of all kinds of cattle and sheep in his own country, and who has been engaged North in agriculture for three years, and South for two, is on his way to New York, having been expelled, and his property confiscated, on suspicion of being opposed to Slavery. He would like to engage with any gentleman having room to grow grain and roots, and to farm on a modern, enlightened system, not looking to corn alone. He is 40, and has a small family. Address

This case was that of a person named Gardiner. He had taken a farm "on shares," near Wilmington, North Carolina. In August, September, and October he labored assiduously and successfully, and got a good start. In the Fall he obtained about sixty dollars worth of seeds from New York, ready for his Spring planting. He was astounded, one day in February, to be arrested and thrown into prison, upon representation of the fellow whose farm he occupied that he (Gardiner) was a dangerous" man. Gardi

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Two Jersey men were hung in the vicinity of Charleston, early in February, for "suspicion of tampering with slaves." An English captain was served with a coat of tar and feathers in Savannah, in January, for having allowed a stevedore (black) to sit down with him at the dinner-table. Another Englishman, belonging in Canada, sailed on a vessel trading along coast. At Savannah the vessel was visited by a negro having fruit to sell. On leaving, the black man asked for a newspaper, and one was given him which happened to contain one of Henry Ward Beecher's sermons. The black was caught by his master reading the "incendiary" document. Refusing to tell how he obtained it, he was ordered to the whipping-post, and The vessel flogged until he "confessed.” was boarded by the authorities, and a de

mand made for the astonished Canadian. The captain, however, stood before him as a British subject; and, by agreeing to ship the culprit North, by the next day's steamer, succeeded in saving him from the mob that stood ready on the shore to lynch him. He was placed on the steamer, on the morrow, when two "officials" came forward with a writ, which they agreed not to serve if the poor fellow would pay them fifty dollars This he gladly paid, and was suffered to depart, "out of consideration for his being a British subject." Had he been a Yankee, he would have been hung.

The following item appeared in the Eufau la (Ala.) Express, (February 6th :)

"A SUSPICIOUS INDIVIDUAL.-The worthy captain of the Home Guards arrested a man on last Tuesday,

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