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Chandler, (Rep.,) of Michigan, said he would answer the Senator another day. The people of the country are opposed to all compromises. They were ready to stand by the Constitution as it is, and to stand by it in blood, if necessary. The motion to postpone was not agreed to. The Peace Propositions.

The Vice-President laid before the Senate the communication of the President

"Provided, That this section shall take effect on the express condition that no State, or any part thereof, heretofore admitted, or hereafter to be ad

mitted, should have power to withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United States, and that the Constitution be the supreme law of the land, anything contained in any Constitution or ordinance of any State or Legislature to the contrary notwithstanding."

The report and amendments and joint

laid over.

The President and

of the Peace Convention, when Mr. Critten-resolution were ordered to be printed and den moved that it be printed and referred to a Select Committee, with instructions to report Thursday, at one o'clock. Agreed to, with a special vote on the portion with regard to instructions, as follows:

"YEAS-Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, Clingman, Crittenden, Dixon, Douglas, Fitch, Foster, Gwin, Hunter, Johnson, (Tenn.,) Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, Polk, Powell, Rice, Sebastian, Thomson-26.

"NAYS-Messrs. Bingham, Chaudler, Clark, Collamer, Doolittle, Durkee, Fessenden, Foot, Green, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Morrill, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, Wilson -21.

Mr. Trumbull made a report from the Committee Vice-President's AC


to wait on the President and Vice-President to inform them of their election, and said the Committee had performed the duty. The President said: "With deep gratitude to my countrymen for their mark of confidence, and with great distrust of my ability to perform the duty even in favorable circumstances, now rendered doubly difficult by the existing national peril, but with a firm reliance on the strength of our free Government, and the ultimate loyThe Select Committee rec-alty of the people to the just principles on ommended, Thursday, the which it was founded, and above all, with an adoption of the Peace Con- unshaken faith in the Supreme Ruler of Navention propositions. The minority, comtions, I accept this trust; and be pleased to posed of Seward, of New York, and Trumbull, signify my acceptance to the respective Houses of Congress." of Illinois, wished to submit a substitute as a minority report, but the majority held that was not competent, so Mr. Seward asked leave to submit a joint resolution, as follows, in his own name, in which the Senator from Illinois concurred:

The Pro and Con


"Whereas, The Legislatures of Kentucky, Illinois, and New Jersey have applied to Congress to call a Convention for proposing amendments to the Constitution: therefore,

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Resolved, That the other States be invited to take the subject into consideration, and express their will on the subject to Congress, in pursuance of the fifth article of the Constitution."

Mr. Hale, (Rep.,) of New Hampshire, objected to the consideration of the report at that time.

Mr. Doolittle, (Rep.,) of Wisconsin, said it was a mistake that Wisconsin had sent delegates to the Convention. He had a proviso which, at a proper time, he should offer to the first section of the amendment proposed by the Convention, as follows:

The Vice-President said: "Please communicate to the Houses of Congress my ac ceptance of the trust confided to me by a generous people; and, while the position was neither sought nor desired, I am truly grateful for the confidence reposed in me, and deeply sensible of the obligation imposed. It shall be my earnest effort to discharge the duty in a manner which will subserve to the interest of the whole country."

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succeeded in having it made the special order for consideration on Friday.

Kilgore's Speech.


Stanton's Speech.

teen Slaveholding States in the Union acknowledging allegiance to the Federal Government, and having, therefore, in their own hands the power to protect themselves against any invasion of their rights on the part of the General Government. Then it would have been a matter of little consequence whether they incorporated such an amendment or not in the Constitution. But the state of the country had radically and essentially changed. Seven or eight States had, whether right or not, denied all allegiance to the General Government, had organized a separate Confederacy, and had declared their independence of all control of this Government. Whether that independence was to be maintained or not, the future only could decide. But if towards the maintenance of their position public opinion in the seceding States should sustain the action of those who had taken the lead in this matter, so as to show that nothing but a war of subut-jugation and conquest could bring them back, he, for one, rather than resort to such means, was disposed to recognize that independence. [Cries from Democratic side, "That's right!" "Good!"] In that state, of things, if the remaining seven Slaveholding States should continue in the Union, they were entitled to additional guarantees. [Cries of "Good!" from the right of the Chair.] There are now seven Slaveholding States, and nineteen Free States. In ten years more, for all practical purposes, Delaware would be a Free State. That would leave twenty-three Free States, and only six Slaveholding States. In a few years more, they would have other Free States organized out of the Territories, and thus in a short time they would have the required number-three-fourths of the States

Thursday, in the House, was a day of anxiety and excitement. The motion to reconsider the vote on the Corwin proposition to amend the Constitution was the first business in order. Kilgore, (Rep.,) of Indiana, who made the motion to reconsider, spoke at some length on the importance of the crisis. It was but a few days ago that, as Republicans, they had all emphatically declared they had no desire or disposition to interfere with Slavery in the States where it exists. Yesterday, however, they seemed to have forgotten this declaration, carried away by wild fanaticism, and also the peculiar condition of the country, requiring some action. If they had changed their ground since the occasion to which he had referred, and were now disposed to invade the sovereignty of the States, then he was no Republican. In repeated speeches he had said those who accused the Republicans of such a design tered slander. Should they say to the world, when they are about to possess the power of the Government, that they are for using it to break down the sovereign rights of the States, and invade their privileges? If that was the doctrine, he could not subscribe to it. He should bear in mind that they were not the masters, but the mere servants of the people. The proposition to amend the Constitution should be taken to their masters, and the latter should be asked whether they will approve or reject it. For the sake of the peace and quiet of the country, and for the good of the Republican party, the Republicans should come forward to-day, and, with the same unanimity with which they voted for the resolution to which he had referred, declare the same thing in the pending prop--to enable them to change the Constitution, osition as an amendment to the Constitution. If you fail to give peace, you wrong yourselves, not the people, and on your heads will fall the responsibility.

and to confer upon the Federal Government and upon Congress the power to interfere with Slavery.

Now, he hoped that that was a power

He withdrew the previous question at the which would never be vested in Congress. request of a Republican.

Mr. Stanton, (Rep.,) of Ohio, also addressed the House, saying he should not have regarded the vote of yesterday as a matter of great consequence while there were fif

No matter if there should be but one Slave State, Slavery was a matter of domestic concern only, and Congress should never take jurisdiction of it. If they were citizens of Slaveholding States, they would be the first to

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Stanton's Speech.

Stanton's Speech.

resist the interference of the | in some ten years hence? General Government, be- He maintained that if the cause they, too, would see remaining Slave States conthat it was a subject which Congress could tinue, in the Union, they had a right to demand not understand, and ought to have no control new guarantees, and, as far as his vote was overand that it was a matter which should concerned, they should have it. [Applause be entirely left to the States themselves. He on the floor.] He would caution his friends, hoped, therefore, it was the intention of the they were now making a mistake. He could House to afford to the Slave States which tell them that public opinion in the Northwere still left to the Union that constitu- ern States would not warrant their refusal tional protection which the altered circum- to vote for this proposed amendment to the stances of the country demanded, and that Constitution; and, at all events, to say the they would see how incumbent it was upon least of it, it was a most ungracious thing them to vote to submit the question to the for them to refuse to allow a public exprespeople, to say the least of it, that they might, sion of opinion on the subject. They might if they deemed fit, recognize and adopt it. rest assured that in voting against this measure their position would not be sustained. All he would say was, that if this thing was now refused, he would ask of his Southern friends to forego any act of secession or rashness till the friends of the measure had an opportunity of appealing to the people of the Free States.

A Stormy Passage

It will not do for them to say that the Constitution which their fathers made was sufficient for the country in the present altered circumstances and condition of public affairs. At the organization of the Government there was but one Free State, and all the rest were Slaveholding States, and then everybody anticipated an increased growth This somewhat remarkand spread of Slaveholding States, and there- able and unexpected speech fore it was that it was deemed unnecessary created a storm of apto make other guarantees beyond those which plause on the floor. The uproar baffled all were incorporated in the Constitution. Sup- efforts of the officers to control it. Mr. Stanpose they had provided for the representa- ton renewed the motion for the previous tion of a certain number of inhabitants in all question, amid a perfect delirium of applause time to come, would not an increased number from the Democratic side, and opposition. of inhabitants make it necessary to change from the Republican side. The scene which the Constitution, so as to provide for a rep-followed was thus chronicled by one of the resentation on an increased ratio of inhabi- news reporters present: tants? When the Constitution was framed for this Confederacy, there was but one Free State and twelve Slaveholding States, so that then the Constitution was adequate for the protection of all sections. Now they had nineteen Free States, and only seven Slaveholding States.

He was in earnest in this business, and he was sincere when he said that he did not desire to interfere with Slavery in the States where it existed. He was sure that his colleagues were equally sincere in their asseverations in this regard. But would they guarantee that their successors in ten or twenty years hence would be imbued with like sentiments? Would they answer for the progress of public opinion in the Free States, and for the ground they might assume

"Mr. Lovejoy, (Rep.,) of Illinois, rose, but vainly strove to gain a hearing. All Iris efforts were lost, and had to be ultimately abandoned, in the face of a continuous call to order at the highest pitch of members' voices. The words, I insist it is not fair,' only surmounted the uproar.

"Several members called Mr. Lovejoy to order. "Mr. Lovejoy 'Mr. Speaker,' again the gentleman roared out at his loudest, in vain. Not a word he uttered could be heard.

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A Stormy Passage.

"This announcement chang- | tion was ordered. The vote, after the floor ed the shouting on the floor to had been cleared of members of the Peace cheers. Convention and ex-members of Congress— all present to assist at the "birth of the new reformation"--was taken by yeas and nays, and resulted: yeas 133, nays 65, which, being a majority of two-thirds, passed the joint resolution.

"Mr. Lovejoy (taking advantage of the digression) shouted out that it was unfair, as two speeches

had been made on that side.

"The chorus of 'Order' was again taken up, and again Mr. Lovejoy's most stentorian efforts were as whisperings in a gale.

"The Speaker, regardless of the noise on his right, and the most wildly-uttered but unheard ejaculations of the Republicans on his left, successfully essayed to make himself heard, as with a determined effort he called to members in favor of the previous question to stand up. The sudden action of so many members in rising to their feet added greatly to the uproar that reigned in the hall, and must have excited anticipations of a general row in the minds of the spectators who crowded the galleries.

"Mr. Vandever, (Rep.,) of Iowa, 'I demand to have a chance to be heard.'


Any hope of a chance the gentleman might have been sanguine enough to entertain must have been crushed in the bud before the renewed breaking forth of the storm of cries to Order!' 'Sit down! Call the Roll !' &c.

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The Clerk struggled against the din, and slowly got through some of the names, but was brought suddenly up by calls to Clear the Hall!'

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"The Speaker-We must have order. [Laughter.] Mr. Adrain, (Rep.,) of New Jersey, hoped the Doorkeeper would see that order was carried out. [Laughter.]

How the Vote was

The wildest demonstrations of congratulation followed the announcement of the vote. The news spread upon the street and flew over the wires, as the long-sought balm for the National wounds-so eager were men to be deluded. As if a mere affirmation of what the dominant party already had conceded that there was no constitutional power to interfere with Slavery in the States-could avail to "conciliate" the Slave Confederates!

It is a remarkable instance of an entire people choosing to believe against their own convictions to the contrary. A few days sufficed to show the public how little-calculated such measures were to appease those in arms against the Union.

The remaining business of the day's sitting related chiefly to a discussion of the amendments to the Civil Appropriation bill, in the course of which the Southern members did not abate one whit of their usual anxiety in behalf of appropriations for their several sections. On motion of Mr. Colfax, the Senate's amendment to the bill for withdrawing mails from the Seceded States was agreed in, and it became a Congressional enactment. Mr. "The Speaker-Nothing will be done till order is Morris, (Dem.,) of Illinois, Chairman of the

"The Speaker-I have so ordered it. [Renewed laughter.]

· Mr. Clark, (Dem.,) of Missouri, hoped the Chair would put down the disorder which reigned in the


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The roll call was proceeded with, and the result showed a simple majority of 128 to 65 for the reconsideration of yesterday's vote.

"Mr. Hickman raised the point of order that twothirds were necessary to reconsider, but the Speaker decided that a mere majority was necessary for this purpose.

Committee on the Abstracted Bonds, reported a joint resolution appointing Messrs. Pugh, of Ohio, Harris, of Maryland, and Case, of Indiana, Commissioners to make a full and equitable settlement and adjustment with Wm. H. Russell and others on account of the stolen Indian Trust Bonds. Rejected -19 against 134.

Mr. Washburne, (Rep.,) of Illinois, from the Committee appointed to acquaint Messrs. "Another and still another outbreak of confusion. Lincoln and Hamlin of their election to the "Members demanded the enforcement of the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, made a rerules, and the Speaker called on the Sergeant-at-port similar to that of Mr. Trumbull in the Arms to perform his duty."


The previous question was then called by The House, Friday, (March 1st,) considerMr. Corwin. Being seconded, the main ques-ed the three Corwin Propositions-two in

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The next in order was a bill for the amendment of the act for the rendition of fugitives from labor. To show the spirit of American laws and law-givers, as well as the status actually accorded to the principle of property in man, we give the act entire :

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That every person arrested under the laws of Congress for the delivery up of fugitives from labor shall be produced before a court, judge, or commissioner, mentioned in the law approved the

18th of September, 1850, for the State or Territory

wherein the arrest may be made, and upon such production of the person, together with the proofs mentioned in the sixth or the tenth section of said act, such court, judge, or commissioner shall proceed to hear and consider the same publicly, and if such court, judge, or commissioner, is of opinion that the person arrested owes labor or service to the claimant according to the laws of any other State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, and escaped therefrom, the court, judge, or commissioner shall make out, and deliver to the claimant, or his agent, a cer

tificate stating those facts; and if the said fugitive shall, upon the decision of the court, judge, or commissioner, being made known to him, aver that he is free, and does not owe service or labor, according to the law of the State or Territory to which he is to

be returned, such averment shall be entered upon the certificate, and the fugitive shall be delivered by the court, judge, or commissioner, to the marshal, to be by him taken and delivered to the Marshal of the United States for the State or District from which the fugitive is ascertained to have fled, who shall produce said fugitive before one of the judges of the Circuit Court of the United States for the last mentioned State or District, whose duty it shall be, if said alleged fugitive shall persist in his averment, forthwith, or at the next term of the Circuit Court,

to cause a jury to be impanneled, and sworn to try

the issue whether such fugitive owes labor or service to the person by or on behalf of whom he is claimed, and a true verdict to give according to the evidence; on such trial the fugitive shall be entitled to the aid of counsel and to process, for procuring

Corwin's Bills

evidence at the cost of the
United States; and upon such
finding the judge shall render
judgment, and cause said fugitive to be delivered to
the claimant, or returned to the place where he was
arrested, at the expense of the United States, accord-

ing to the finding of the jury; and if the judge or
court be not satisfied with the verdict, he may cause
another jury to be impanneled forthwith, whose ver-

dict shall be final. And it shall be the duty of said marshal, so delivering said alleged fugitive, to take from the Marshal of the State from which said fugitive is alleged to have escaped, a certificate acknowledging that said alleged fugitive had been delivered to him, giving a minute description of said alleged fugitive, which certificate shall be authenticated by the United States District Judge, or a Commissioner of a United States Court for said State from which said

fugitive was alleged to have escaped, which certifi

cate shall be filed in the office of the Clerk of the

United States District Court for the State or District
in which said alleged fugitive was seized, within
sixty days from the date of the arrest of said fugi-

and should said marshal fail to comply with the
provisions of this act, he shall be deemed guilty of
$1,000 and imprisonment for six months, and until
a misdemeanor, and shall be punished by a fine of
his said fine is paid.

"SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That no citizen of any State shall be compelled to aid the marshal or owner of any fugitive in the capture or detention of such fugitive, unless when force is employed or reasonably apprehended to prevent such capture or detention to powerful to be resisted by the marshal or owner; and the fees of the commissioners ap

pointed under the act of 18th September, 1850, shall be $10 for every case heard and determined by such commissioner."

Hickman moved to lay this bill on the table,-disagreed to by a vote of 73 to 104. Vallandigham, (Dem.) of Ohio, asked Mr. Corwin to withdraw his demand for the previous question, to enable him to offer as an amendment the first section of Mr. Clay's proposition in 1850, to require the claimant to give bond that the alleged fugitive shall have a trial by jury in the State from which he fled. Corwin declined the demand. The bill was put on its passage, and was passed by the vote-92 to 82. A large number of Republicans voted nay.

In order still further to strip the Gov ernors of Northern States of power to protect persons "charged with crime," in other States, the Committee of Thirty-three

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