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principles of the Declaration of Independence. Let us make up our minds that whenever we do put a new star upon our banner, it shall be a fixed one, never to be dimmed by the horrors of war, but brightened by the contentment and prosperity of peace. Let us go on to extend the area of our usefulness, add star upon star, until their light shall shine over five hundred millions of a free and happy people.

This fine sentiment called forth a tremendous outburst of applause. The President then threw off his over-coat in a manner which so indubitably indicated his early education to hard work, as to create much pleasant remark. A prayer was then offered, a gun was fired, when, hand over hand, the President raised the National ensign to the staff-the new ensign of thirty four Stars. The vast audience shouted its gratification until very hoarseness induced silence.

At Harrisburg.

At

At Harrisburg.

"HONORED SIR-In behalf of the Senate of Pennsylvania, I welcome you to the Capitol of the State. We deem it a peculiar privilege, and a happy omen, that while on the way to assume the duties of the high office to which you have been called at this momentous period of our national history, we are favored by your presence at the seat of our Gov. ernment on the anniversary of the birth-day of the Father of his Country. The people of Pennsylvania, upon whom rests so large a share of the responsibility of your nomination and election to the Presidency, appreciate the magnitude of the task before you, and are fully prepared to sustain your admin. istration according to the Constitution and the laws. Whatever differences of opinion existed prior to the election as to the political questions involved in the canvass, they, as law-abiding, Constitution, Unionloving people, have no differences now. There is no

difference among them as to your right to claim their duty, and they will render you support accordingly. Here, to-day, are assembled men of all parties and shades of opinion to welcome and honor the Constion-tutionally-chosen President of the Union. Nor have we viewed with indifference the recent public expressions of your views on a subject closely affecting the material interests of Pennsylvania, that it is not only right, but the duty of the Government, while providing for revenue by a tariff, so to regulate the duties as will afford protection to the industrial interests of the country. Your recent expressions, therefore, as to the true policy of the Government, have afforded profound satisfaction. Deeply inpressed with the honor of your visit at this interesting time, we pray God that you, whom the people have elevated to the chair of Washington, and to whom they have largely confided their highest interests, hopeful of beneficent results from wise and just measures, may not disappoint them; and they trust that such will signalize your administration."

At half-past nine the ward journey was resumed. Under an escort of the State Legislative Committee, he visited Harrisburg, accompanied also by a large number of the most eminent men of the State. various places along the route demonstrations were made, and brief speeches were returned. At Harrisburg the reception was unusually imposing. The town was gayly decorated with American flags, guns were fired, and every manifestation of pleasure exhibited. The President was escorted by Governor Curtin to the hotel in a barouche drawn by six white horses, accompanied also by a fine military garde de corps. Arriving at the hotel, from its balcony he was publicly welcomed to the Capital by the Governor in a very cordial and personal manner, to which Mr. Lincoln responded, reciprocating the feelings expressed, of anxiety for the country, trusting that a resort to arms never would become necessary. In his efforts to avert that unspeakable calamity, the people must sustain him. He brought to the responsibilities of his peculiar trusts an earnest heart and willing hands, and if he failed it should be from no lack of exertion on his own part.

. At the Legislative Halls he was thus addressed by the Speaker of the Senate:

On the part of the House, its Speaker extended the hand in a heartfelt welcome, pledging the devotion of Pennsylvania to the Union, the Constitution, and the laws. Pennsylvania, though always ready for peace, stands ready to pledge both men and money to sustain the Government, if need be, to enforce the laws. In conclusion, he said the people had only one wish, one prayer, and that was for the success of the Administra tion of Abraham Lincoln, and the maintenance of the Union.

To these significant addresses Mr. Lincoln responded:

At Harrisburg.

THE HEGIRA.

"I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks, in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sincerely for this reception, and the generous words in which support has been promised me upon this occasion. I thank your great Commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently gave, not to me personally, but the cause, which I think a just one, in the late election. Allusion has been made to the fact-the interesting fact, perhaps we should say-that I, for the first time, appear at the Capital of the great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of his Country, in connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the history of this country. I have already gone through one exceedingly interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Philedelphia. Under the high conduct of gentlemen there, I was, for the first time, allowed the privilege of standing in Old Independence Hall [enthusiastic cheering,] to have a few words addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of expressing, with much regret, that I had not more time to express something of my own feelings, excited by the occasion, somewhat to harmonize and give shape to the feelings that had been really the feelings of my whole life. Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the country. They had arranged so that I was given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff. And when it went up I was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my own feeble arm; when, according to the arrangement, the cord was pulled, and it flaunted gloriously to the wind without an accident, in the bright glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hoping that there was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor could I help feeling then, as I often have felt, in the whole of that proceeding, I was a very humble instrument. I had not provided the flag, I had not made the arrangements for elevating it to its place. I had applied but a very small portion of my feeble strength in raising it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who had arranged it, and if I can have the same generous cooperation of the people of the nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting gloriously. [Loud, enthusiastic, and continued cheering.] I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in regard to what has been said about the military support which the General Government may expect from the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in a proper emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate

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the possibility that a necessity may arise in this country for the use of the military arm. While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your streets of your military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your promise here to use that force upon a proper emergency-while I make these acknowledgments, I desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them; that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise that, so far as I may have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be through no fault of mine. Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some remark recently made by myself at Pittsburg, in regard to what is supposed to be the especial interests of this great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they stand, adding only now, that I am pleased to have an expression from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, significant that they are satisfactory to you. And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, allow me to return you again my most sincere thanks."

The Hegira.

The afternoon was spent in the usual reception, in which all classes of citizens mingled. Retiring, at six o'clock, to his private apartment, the President-elect was soon on a special train, disguised in a Scotch plaid cap and cloak, en route for Washington, where he arrived safely Saturday morning, to be received at the depot by a few friends who were in the secret of his unceremonious movement.

This "flight by night, at the time, created a most remarkable excitement, even for a people accustomed to surprises; and the various stories afloat as to the cause--the widely differing opinions as to the judiciousness of the step-the sarcasm and joke which grew out of it at the President's expense, served for a seven days' wonder.

Without recurring to the many inventions of the reporters and letter-writers, we may simply state that the step was taken by advice of General Scott and Mr. Seward. Baltimore had resolved to receive the President

The Hegira.

The Hegira.

But he remained

courteously; but it was as- | thronged-all anxious for a certained that some of the word with him who was to most vicious elements of direct the destiny of the Rethat turbulent city had been incited by unprin- public, for good or for evil. cipled men to raise a mob on the occasion of in private to all visitors. At eleven o'clock, in his appearance—at once endangering life and company with Mr. Seward, he called upon the city's honor. To avoid this, and frustrate Mr. Buchanan. The surprise of the occupant whatever plans for mischief might have been of the White House was great; but he gave matured, were the secret of that precipitate his successor a very cordial greeting. The movement. There was neither courage nor a Cabinet being in session, Mr. Lincoln passed want of it shown in the step. It was one of pru- into its chamber, to the surprise and the dedence merely; and, though a large portion light of its members. A call was made upon of the public, at the time, thought the Presi- | General Scott, but the veteran was not on dent should have gone through the Baltimore duty. Thus, dispensing with all formality, reception because of the threatened danger, it the Republican President set a good example soon was felt that his course had been one of of Republican simplicity of manners and wisdom. The violent tone of the Baltimore kindness. papers of "Southern" proclivities gave the friends of the President good reason to feel that he had escaped humiliation, if not injury, at the hands of his implacable political enemies.*

Mr. Lincoln's unexpected advent at the Capitol took all by surprise. Preparations on a large scale had been made for his reception; the Mayor had written an address of congratulation and welcome; the military had prepared new uniforms and reburnished their arms; the two Houses of Congress were in for an early adjournment, and the "coming man" was the theme of general remark. All preconcerted arrangements were frustrated, for he came in their midst an unheralded and unexpected guest. When it became known that he was in the city, his hotel was *The Albany Evening Journal published a detailed account of the existence of a conspiracy for the President's assassination, of which a well-known detective had been apprised. Its plan embraced a riot at Baltimore, on the arrival of the Presidential train, during which Mr. Lincoln was to be stabbed or shot. This account was understood to have been furnished by Frederick A. Seward, who was the special messenger sent from Washington to arrange for the night flight. The New York Times repeated this story, only adding to its exciting detail by asserting that eminent statesmen, bankers, and others, were in the secret of the conspiracy for the assassination. Without presuming to pronounce upon the credibility of this reputed conspiracy, we think a sufficient apology-if such were needed-for the incognito entrance to the Capital will be found in the fact that Mr. Lincoln acted by advice of General Scott.

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During the day he received visitors freely. All partisan feeling seemed to be forgotten, and Democrats vied with Republicans in their really genial welcome. Only the extreme Southern men stood aloof; they had no word of welcome for a man who, it was felt, would rule without fear, and prove faithful to his oath to sustain the Constitution and the laws.

In the evening, by appointment, Mr. Lincoln received the "Peace Congress" members. The entire body was presented to him, and a cordial hour passed in an informal greeting. After the interview, the President was called upon to confront the ladies of Washington, who had congregated in the parlors of the hotel to be introduced to a man of whose ugliness of feature and ungainliness of form they had heard so much. Mr. Lincoln received them in a manner at once graceful and possessed. This closed his first day at the Capital. Thereafter he was to enter upon the thorny field of Administration. A Cabinet was to be chosen, Ministers to be selected, a settled policy to be drawn out of that fearful distraction. The brief interval of ten days, prior to his inauguration, was to be among the most trying of his experience; for the claims of persons to posts of honor-the rights of sections-the harmonization of conflicting interests--the disposition of places demanding a peculiar fitness-all were among those minor annoyances of administration which rendered the yoke anything but easy to bear.

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The Twenty-five
Million Loan.

dollars to meet the wants of Government up to June. February 1st, Mr. S. introduced, in the House, his Loan bill, calling for twentyfive millions. The representations made, and the good management used, crowded the bill through without delay. February 2d it went to the Senate, which returned it to the House slightly modified. A conference soon consummated its final passage, but it did not receive the President's signature until Feb. 9th.

THE financial condition January 18th he sent to Financial Condition of of the National Treasury, in Mr. Sherman, Chairman of the Treasury. the early part of February, the Committee of Ways and was such as to excite no little uneasiness in Means, an exhibit of the state of the Treasthe mind of the Secretary. Of the twenty-ury, and asked for twenty-five millions of million loan authorized the previous June, but a little more than seven millions had been taken. Mr. Cobb's financiering had shaken the credit of Government so far, that its paper not only no longer commanded a premium, nor even touched par, but was only disposed of at ruinous rates. The act authorizing the loan restricted its sales at par, and capitalists refused to take it. This refusal left the department nearly bankrupt, at the moment of Mr. Cobb's withdrawal, " to lend the force of his great financial genius to the construction of a new Government." He assumed the keys of a plethoric chest-he left the keys of an empty one.

Pending its passage, Mr. Dix had addressed the Governors of the loyal States, advising that the Legislatures should endorse the loan to the extent of the special deposits held by them of the surplus fund. To this proposition several States answered promptly-the loyal-hearted Ohio being first. She, holding $2,097,000 of that fund, would guarantee the Government loan to that amount. Pennsylvania next voted to endorse for her quota in-$2,800,000. These endorsements were not, however, accepted by the terms of the act— hence the loan went forth offering only the Government's faith as security. This so far weakened the prospect for favorable bids, that Mr. Dix sought to obtain a special act authorizing the acceptance of the proffered State guarantees, to the extent of the eight millions first to be put on the market. In possession of these, he felt that the offers would be of a very satisfactory character. He communicated his wishes in the matter to Mr. Sherman, under date of February 12th, in the following exhibit:

Mr. Dix, upon assuming charge of the Treasury Department, set about recuperating its exhausted finances. He was chosen for his fitness. In that hour of calamity, it behooved the President to call to his side men of reputation for integrity, who would, some degree, restore the confidence of an outraged people. Devotion to "Southern interests" had ruined his Administration, and he could only save his memory from being written Odious by rising above a partisan's ambition at the last hour. Mr. Dix, as the representative of Northern sentiment, and having the confidence of the magnates of Wall street, was a wise choice; and if the brief period of Mr. Buchanan's term would not allow of a full restoration of public credit, it would, at least, permit him to stay the decline which threatened a fatal issue.

The Secretary's Exhibit.

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SIR-I deem it my duty to "I have discharged my duty to them and to the call your attention to the press-country, by making this exhibit of the public wants, ing demands on the Treasury, and in pointing out the only mode by which, in my and to suggest the only mode of meeting them with- judgment, they can be met without the most serious out seriously impairing the public credit. The lia- consequences to the interest of the Government, and bilities due and to fall due before the 4th of March individuals to whom it is indebted. The short time next, are as follows: to elapse before the close of the present session of Congress renders it indispensable that I should advertise for a loan on the 13th or 14th inst., at the farthest.

For the State Department...... For the Interior Department..

.$ 101,868 .... 1,302,327

For the War Department..

1,521.131

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'Secretary of the Treasury." Mr. Sherman immediately introduced a bill covering the acceptance of the guarantees, when Garnett, (Dem.,) of Virginia, refused, by his objection, to allow the intro

NOTE.—These are the round numbers, making a total of duction of the resolution of enactment. His

$9,901,118.

"The accruing revenue will, it is estimated, net about $1,900,000 of the amount, leaving but eight millions to be borrowed.

"There is in the Treasury, subject to draft of the Treasurer of the United States, but little more than half a million, and there are requisitions in the Treasury Department amounting to nearly ten millions of dollars unanswered. In the present condition of the country it would be impossible to borrow the money needed to meet the wants of the Treasury, unless at a discount which would seriously impair the public debt, without some pledge in addition to that of the faith of the Government. Several of the States, in accordance with a suggestion contained in my letter to the Committee of Ways and Means, of the 18th January last, have offered to superadd the pledge of their faith to that of the United States, for the redemption of any bonds it may issue, to the amount of the public moneys deposited with them, respectively, for safe keeping, under the act of 23d June, 1836.

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If Congress will authorize these offers to be accepted, the money required to meet the liabilities due and to fall due before the 4th of March can be obtained at par. If the authority is not granted, I am satisfied it can only be procured on terms which would be exceedingly disadvantageous to the Government, and in the highest degree detrimental to its credit. I should not venture to ask for a loan exceeding $2,000,000, and nearly the whole of this amount would be required to meet the redemption of Treasury notes to fall due before the 4th of March. There would be due on that day about $6,000,000 to public creditors, whose demands could not remain unsatisfied without subjecting them to most serious inconveniences, and in some cases to serious losses.

words and demeanor were violent. He said: "After the recent declaration of war by the President-elect of the United States, [referring to Mr. Lincoln's Indianapolis speech-see page 373,] I deem it my duty to interpose every obstacle to the tyrannical and military despotism now about to be inaugurated." Mr. Dix again wrote, under date of February 13th, to warn the Committee of what must be the result of the refusal to sanction the acceptance of the State guar- · antees. He said:

The Secretary's Second Letter.

"SIR-It is indispensable that I should give to-day notice of a loan of $8,000,000, in order that the Government may be in funds to meet indispensable payments on the 1st proximo.

"The obstacles unexpectedly thrown in the way of the passage of the bill reported by your Committee yesterday, authorizing the acceptance of the guarantee proffered by several of the States, compel me reluctantly to ask for the loan on the usual terms; for, in the present distracted state of the country, should it continue, I fear there must be a loss of $800,000. Under all the circumstances, however, instead of calling for $2,000,000, as I suggested in my letter to you of the 11th inst., I have thought it advisable to ask for $8,000,000, reserving the right of declining to accept bids which may be deemed disadvantageous to the United States, and taking the chance of a favorable change in the political condition of the country within the next ten days, at the end of which proposals for the loan will be received. Allow me to remind you that the Loan bill, under which I ask for proposals, was not presented for the approval of the President until the 8th inst.; and that, on the 9th inst., Saturday, there

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