cial election within six months from the 4th of March. I fore the Senate. [See page 308.] He (ThompNo State shall secede without consent of the Legis-son) said he entirely dissented from the latures of all the States of the section to which it belongs. The President is to have the power to adjust the terms with the Seceding States, and the terms are not to be valid till approved by Congress. Neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature is to interfere with migration on equal terms of the citi zens of the several sections, nor shall either have the power to destroy or impair the rights of person and property in the Territories. New States are to be admitted with any Constitution, Republican in form, which the people thereof ordain." Sickles, of New York, asked leave to introduce a resolution, calling on the Secretary of the Treasury to inform the House whether the duties on imports continue to be collected in the ports of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, and Florida. Craige, (Dem.,) of North Carolina, objected. Sickles said this was the only reliable mode of obtaining correct information. He gave notice to offer the resolution on Monday. At the evening session, Thursday, of the House, speeches were made by Messrs. Leach, (Am.,) of North Carolina; Junkin, (Rep.,) of Pennsylvania; Allen, (Dem.,) of Ohio; Carey, (Rep.,) of Ohio. They spoke to the shadows, apparently—so unpopular were the evening sessions, that members could not be constrained to attend. The views of the North Carolina member were favorable to the Union. He made an earnest appeal for constitutional guarantees. Junkin favored the propositions of the Committee, believing they virtually restored the Missouri Compromise of Henry Clay. Allen took strong ground against secession and revolution. Carey spoke of secession as being thick with the blackest treason. Leave the present difficulties to the people, and there will be a better settlement than by attempting to legislate on the subject. If the men of the Border State would talk like his friend Davis, of Maryland, it would not be two weeks before the traitors would tremble in their shoes. views of his colleague. He contended that the instructions in the resolutions were the real views of a majority of the people of his State, and that a State had a right to instruct her Senators, who should obey or resign. He was very much surprised at the course of his colleague. He thought the people of New Jersey never more in earnest than they are now in the opinion that the South has cause for complaint, and that some guarantees should be given it. Yet he must say that the course of the South, in seizing the forts, arsenals, &c., had done much to weaken kindly feeling in the Northern States. Nothing was more fatal than the doctrine of secession. If admitted, the Government must fall to pieces. He said a portion of his colleague's speech looked to coercion, but the coercion of States was an equally fatal doctrine. The Union could not be preserved by blows and bloodshed. He deprecated civil war, and made an appeal to save the Union by concessions on both sides. Ten Eyck replied, contending that the resolutions did not express the calm feeling of the people as shown by the votes of the recent election, but the resolutions were rushed through the Senate of New Jersey when four members were sick. The men appointed under that resolution [see page 251] did not represent the feeling of the State. Judge Collamer's Views. Collamer, (Rep.,) of Vermont, presented a petition from citizens of his State, asking Congress to adopt an amendment to the Constitution similar to the Border States proposition. He said he was willing to do all in the power of Congress, but not anything which was not allowed by the Constitution, which says that Congress may propose amendments to be submitted to the States; and, further, if States want amendments let them say so by convention, and Congress must agree. If the States call such Convention and adopt amendments, Congress must send them to the States for ratification. But does the Government need more delegated power? No. He contended that the provision of the Constitution was perfectly plain, but none of the complaining States MR. WIGFALL'S FOURTEENTH SPEECH. 357 have taken any means to secure amendments | Constitution. He denied that the Breckenin a constitutional way, yet Congress was ridge party ever intended to break up the asked to make amendments which somebody Union, but they demanded that the property conjectures the States need! He never would of the Southern States should be protected. attempt to make any such amendments, Six States thought it not safe to remain in which none of the States, he said, wanted. the Union, when two millions of people in Suppose two or three States present amend- the North had voted that their property ments, asking Congress to submit them to the ought to be confiscated. They might talk States. In his judgment, Congress could not about the Helper book, but Helper had never pass on the merits of such amendments, but uttered anything so slanderous against the present them to the States as the request South as the sentiments uttered by a Southof certain Sates. He quoted, as a precedent, ern Senator on this floor. What Black Rethe former amendments made in 1789, when publican ally had told the Senator that the Congress took the same course. His views South wanted to make war on Mexico? It would govern his votes. was a slander. They have enough to do to take care of themselves. Mr. Wigfall then paid a high and eloquent tribute to the Senator from Mississippi, (Davis.) The Senator from Tennessee had attacked him (Davis) in his absence. If the Senator from Mississippi had been here, he would have answered the Senator from Tennessee: "Lord Angus, thou hast lied!" Mr. Wigfall's Fourteenth Speech. The consideration of the President's Message being resumed, Mr. Wigfall, in his own peculiar rhetoric and originality of manner answered Andrew Johnson. The Senator from Tennessee seemed to think that he had once, on a former occasion, made a great argument, and had, in consequence, been the subject of special attacks. Wigfall This expression created an outburst of did not believe either-both were halluci- laughter and noise in the gallery, which nations of the Senator's heated imagination. | caused the Sergeant-at-Arms to clear it. WigThe Senator also seemed to think Benjamin's fall proceeded, assuming that the South had no farewell was a farce, but Wigfall thought it purpose or desire to make war, but that it was the most serious farce ever witnessed on intended to live under such a Government as that floor. He then alluded to Johnson's ar- it saw fit. Six States had gone out because gument on the Government's right of pur- they chose to do so, and had revoked the chase in Louisiana. Referring to the treaty treaty called the Constitution, though they of cession, he contended that Johnson did not might be willing to make another. He give it a fair construction; and so in regard claimed that the South had a mine of wealth to the admission of Alabama. A monstrous in cotton, and gave a picture of the destroyperversion of the doctrines of Jackson and ed commerce of the North if the ports are nationalism had been made by the Black Re- blockaded, which will be considered an act publicans. He read from a number of docu- of war. A vessel with a flag of thirty-three ments to show that Jackson considered this stars will be fired on in a Southern port. Government as a compact of States." He Carrying the flag with the stars which they then argued against the right of coercion, and have plucked thence will be considered an said that any attempt to force the laws upon insult. If the North wants war it can have individuals in a State was the same thing as it he did not plead for peace. The remainthe coercion of a State, and would bring on a ing portion of his speech was exceedingly civil war. He contended that Jefferson and violent and personal on Mr. Johnson. Jackson had avowed the right of secession, and he read copious extracts from their writings and speeches to sustain this position. He claimed that Madison understood that States could, at any time, renounce the Constitution, and such was the understanding of most of the States when they ratified the In the Senate, Friday and Saturday, nothing transpired pertinent to our subject. In the House, Friday, Kellogg, of Illinois, supported his resolutions, [see page 310,] in a long speech. He said that parties and platforms must all be discarded-that all men must combine to save the Union. He argued in support of his propositions as the best remedy offered, and declared himself for the whole Union. Messrs. Smith, of North Carolina, and Hatton, of Tennessee, both made Union speeches, the latter assuming the ground occupied by Andrew Johnson. In the House, Saturday, John Cochrane, (Dem.,) of New York, offered a resolution directing the Secretary of the Treasury to inform the House whether any, and what, information has been received by the department relative to the recent alleged seizure of New York vessels at the port of Savannah, and if seized, by whom, and by what authority. Ruled out by the objection of Holman, (Dem.,) of Indiana. Corwin's Motion. gress, were entitled to respectful consideration at any time, when not coupled with the threat to dissolve the Union if not granted. The love of the Union was too strong in the affections of the people of all sections to allow a wide-spread conspiracy to destroy it to prevail. A very exciting running debate sprung up between Messrs. Cox, (Dem.,) of Ohio, and Hutchins and Stanton in regard to personal matters. Mr. Cox charged Mr. Hutchins and his sympathizers with being inimical to the Union, because of their extreme tenacity on anti-slavery issues, and arraigned Mr. Hutchins very sharply for his (Hutchins') attack upon Mr. Corwin. Mr. Cox charged that the Ohio Supreme Court had colluded with GovCorwin moved to extend ernor Dennison to nullify the Fugitive Slave the time for taking a final law and to shield abolition criminals from vote on his propositions, in justice. Hutchins responded, saying Mr. Cox order to give gentlemen an opportunity to would preserve the Union if he could do so express themselves, as well as to await the by exciting prejudices against the Republican action of the "Peace Convention," which party. It was hardly fair to add fuel to the might enable the House to come to a better flame of Southern excitement, if it was the conclusion. The time was extended after object of his colleague to preserve rather much disagreement, when Hutchins, (Rep.,) of than destroy the Union. Cox retorted. His Ohio, at some length, gave his exposition of colleague was for the Union, if there was views on the crisis. He deemed the move- power to crush out Slavery in the States or ment of the Slave States as causeless and Territories, and only in this case; but he wicked as the revolt of the angels in heaven. (Cox) was for the Union, without qualificaThe remedies proposed he pronounced futile tion or condition, and daring all hazards. for good. Corwin's proposition to amend Simms, (Dem.,) of Kenthe Constitution was opposed to the spirit of tucky, addressed the House The Crittenden proposition, he in a very able argument, said, the Free States would reject. He re- leveled chiefly at the Republican party, whom ferred to the history of compromises upon he regarded as the chief cause of all the present the Slavery question, contending that they trouble they were the chief conspirators were worthless as final settlements. The only against the liberties of the country. He aversettlement that could be permanent was one red that there had been no time since the founded on truth and justice. The verdict commencement of the session that the Repubof the American people had been fairly ob-licans could not have saved the country. He tained, and a judgment should be rendered upon it. This was not a partisan view of the case, but all who are really for the Union could stand upon it, and they must stand upon it in the end. He could act with all who stood for the Union, and in so doing he did not necessarily adopt their views upon the Slavery or other questions. It was unwise to tamper with the organic law at the present time; but propositions to amend the Constitution, originating in States or in Con the age. Simms Address. advocated the plan of Senator Crittenden, which simply proposed to incorporate in the Constitution the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, and give to the South the Territory south of the line 36 deg. 30 min., and the Chicago Platform north of it. Why would not the Republicans take this? Of the position of his own State he said: "Sir, you may make the experiment, but you can never conquer the South. Their ten million proud, free-born necks were never made to wear the yoke PEACE CONVENTION PROCEEDINGS. 359, of any mortal power or foe against their will.* You | provoke, would spring up, if necessary to avenge it, can conquer them by justice, and not by injustice a million warriors. Kentucky-brave, gallant, loyal, and the sword. From the first drop of blood shed patient Kentucky- would not hesitate nor falter when that day comes. * * upon Southern soil by armed soldiery, in a war so She never yet has unjust and unholy as the one you are seeking to despaired of the Republic; but if you force this issue Mr. Simms, like all Southern economists, during upon her and her sister States of the South, rememthis winter's discussion, spoke widely of the fact in his citations of the numbers of "proud, free-born necks" in the entire Slave States. [See the tables given on pages 27-28, compiled from the census of 1860.] ber that in the veins of her children courses the blood of old Virginia; and with them, when the final struggle comes, she will share common dangers, common rights, common glories, a common destiny, or a common grave." CHAPTER XXV. THE 16 тн. UP TO FEBRUARY PEACE CONVENTION. ITS PROCEEDINGS STATE OF PUBLIC SENTIMENT AT THAT DATE. CENTRALIZATION OF SENTIMENT AGAINST COMPROMISE. THE DE Peace Convention Peace Convention THE Peace Convention | sition of his State. It simply assembled February 4th, in repeated the resolutions Washington, and organized adopted by the Legislature. by the election of John Tyler, of Virginia, as [See page 247.] The Virginia member, in prepresiding officer. It was resolved, in imita-senting the resolutions, urged the immediate tion of the old Constitutional Conventions, as well as of the recent Conventions in the Southern States, to sit in secret sessions-excluding not only the public, but members of the press-a movement which most Northern members opposed, as uncalled for and unwise. favorable action of the Convention, declaring that his State would be satisfied with nothing less, and assuring the delegates that prompt and decisive action was necessary. Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, deprecated this precipitate mode of proceeding, and thought it The votes on propositions were to calculated to defeat the very object for which be cast by States -a majority of each the Convention had been called. Messrs. delegation casting it. No action was taken Chase, Ruffin, and others sustained this view; until Wednesday, February 6th, the members and finally, Mr. Guthrie, after a judicious and being engaged in comparing views, to arrange, conciliatory speech, moved the reference of if possible, the terms of propositions likely to this and all similar propositions to a Commeet with favorable consideration. The Ken-mittee of one from each State, to be selected tucky delegation, headed by Mr. Guthrie, by the different delegations. The Commitheld a conference, February 5th, and agreed upon the general outline of a new plan of compromise. It was not made public; but the delegation laid their statement before individual members of the Convention, to canvass its probable success. tee, as appointed, was constituted as follows: James Guthrie, of Kentucky, Chairman; Jas. A. Seddon, of Virginia; Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland; James Harlan, of Iowa; Stephen T. Logan, of Illinois; Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio; Daniel M. On Wednesday, Seddon, of Virginia, pre- Bates, of Delaware; Thomas White, of Pennsented what was understood to be the propo- | sylvania; Peter D. Vroom, of New Jersey; Peace Convention Peace Convention Roger S. Baldwin, of Con- | before the predetermined necticut; Samuel Ames, of secessionists, who had seRhode Island; Thomas Ruf- cured a Convention, and, fin, of North Carolina; Highland Hull, of Ver- having secured it, would control it. mont; and Asa Fowler, of New Hampshire. Members were added for New York, Massachusetts, Missouri, and Tennessee, which States were not represented in the Convention until Friday, February 8th. The appointment of this Committee was considered an omen of settlement-the members constituting it being, generally, of the "conservative" order-those understood to favor liberal concessions for the sake of peace. The Committee of One from each State held a session of four and a half hours on Saturday. It voted down the motion by David Dudley Field, the New York member, namely: that no action was necessary on the Territorial question. Monday (February 11th) was consumed in considering the several propositions submitted, and in deciding upon the order of their consideration. Tuesday morning a test of sentiment was made by the introduction, by Reverdy Johnson, of a resolution which, in a slightly amended form, passed by a vote of 10 to 9: Iowa and Massachusetts not being represented. It read, as adopted: The first week closed without action on any proposition. The outside indications seemed to favor the adoption of a plan of adjustment which should at least placate the remaining loyal States; but, the indisposition of the Border Slave State delegates to include the Seceded States in the compromise served to foreshadow but a partial settlement at most. The North, if it must compromise by conceding the right of property in slaves under the Constitution, and by consecrating to Slavery all the Territory south of the old Missouri Compromise line, had no design of making those concessions except they were accepted as a settlement of the entire question, and would restore the status quo such persons were so held and protected under the of the Union. The Southern members declined the responsibility of speaking for the revolutionary States; hence, the hopes which had sprung up in some quarters-feared by the disunionists, and hoped for by their opponents of an early and final adjustment, were not strengthened by the attitude of affairs at the close of the first week. So anx "Congress shall have no power to legislate upon the subject of servitude anywhere, except to perform its duties under the Constitution in respect to fugitives from service or labor, and to suppress the foreign slave-trade; nor shall any Territorial Government have power to sanction or protect invol untary servitude in any Territory north of the southern boundary of Kansas and the northern boundary of New Mexico; nor to prohibit, or impair, or affect the holding of persons to service or labor in any Territory south of said line, in the same manner as laws of the State or Territory from which they were removed." It was understood that several who voted in the negative would accept it as a finality, if nothing better were to be obtained. Wednesday and Thursday the Kentucky propositions were considered, and the session ious did the Virginians feel in the proceed-being prolonged into the evening of the latter day, the Kentucky or Guthrie proposi ings of the Convention, that Governor tion was, by a vote of 12 to 11, adopted. Its provisions were, in substance: Letcher, and a number of the most influential members of the Virginia Legislature, visited Washington during the week, to lend their aid to the work of adjustment. The voice of Virginia at the polls, February 4th, was for Union if compromise could be secured and the "rights of the South" guaranteed; and the Governor but answered the wish of the people in seeking to secure the terms demanded. That he was anxious to save his State from revolution was apparent; but, it was equally apparent that he was powerless "All Territory of the United States shall be divid ed by a line from east to west on the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude; in all Territory north of that line involuntary servitude, except as punishment of crime, is prohibited while it shall belong to the United States, or be under a Territorial Govern. ment; in all Territory south of said line involuntary servitude is recognized as it exists in the Southern States of the Union, while such Territory shall be long to the United States, or be under the Terri torial Government; neither Congress nor the Terri |