ERN REBELLION. Pr de- | 14th, when Mr. Boyce pretle sented to Congress a flag reOse mitted by a lady "who us- resides in the picturesque to ju- borough, Fairfield District, &Cins remarkable intelligence, whose th, life has been illustrated by he which adorn the female characte” CHAPTER XXIV. its remitting the flag was represe t; authentic fire. It is worthy of re best days, and might well have ey the Roman Senate on that disas an the victorious banner of the grati he was visible from Mount Avesti in enthusiastic speaker said, "Imas et as long as our women are impe n- sublime sentiments, and our m ill the metals out of which weaper the lustrous stars of our unyielding acy will never pale their glo baffled oppression may threaten potent sword, or, more dangero y to beguile with the Syren song s- tion." Mr. Boyce's grandiloquence al lowed by the reading of a letter fr s Ladd, giving her three sons to the a 1,thanking God that she was a We South. Flags were presented by dphens, Toombs, and Walker. Al didates for National adoption to the proper Committee. 8. f e The secret seal was lifted d14th, by a resolution-permitting ciary Committee "to print suc they may desire to lay before Co same liberty was extended also to s Standing Committees, so far as to printing of any matter which the deem requisite for the uses of the Co The inauguration of President D fixed for Monday, February 18th, sad able Committee appointed to attend ilent. An Act was adopted is sion this day (February 15th) te office the officers of customs, and for the payment of the custe Confederate authorities. The of the open session of the Congres Important. PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS CONTINUED. WITHDRAWAL OF LOUISIANA MEMBERS. SP BENJAMIN, CLINGMAN, ANDREW JOHNSON KELLOGG, AND OTHERS. DAVIS, Petitions. to seize in self-de should appear that such expenditure sections; and, abo dictates of natural j national law as of p and of mutual pecur of the inhabitants of .THE Senate proceedings | which we have bee of Monday, February 4th, were particularly interesting from the withdrawal speeches of the Louisiana Senators, and by the elaborate disunion argument of Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina. Mr. Crittenden presented several important memorials and petitions from citizens of Louisville, Kentucky, of New Albany, Indiana, from citizens of Michigan, New York, Maryland, &c., praying the passage of his resolutions, or for some compromise. Chandler, of Michigan, presented two petitions from citizens of Bay County, of that State, protesting against the alteration of the Constitution.. Other petitions were presented by Messrs. Bigler and Fessenden, also praying for compromise. Wilson, of Massachusetts, introduced a resolution calling upon the President for information concerning the seizures in Louisiana. To its introduction Bigler ob- property, and col jected, when it laid over under the rules. Mr. Slidell, of Louisiana, Slidell's Valedictory. sent to the Secretary's desk a copy of the Louisiana Ordinance of Secession, which he had read. He then addressed the Senate quite at length, defending the course of the seceding States. His argument, in many respects, was an able one, and his declarations were somewhat novel on points of interest involved. Among other things, he said: "We will adopt all laws not locally inapplicable or incompatible with our new relations; we will recognize the obligations of all existing treaties those respecting the African slave-trade included. We shall be prepared to assume our just proportion butaries to its free them a free interch tions, without impo the free transit from cies of merchandise as may be absolut of any normal sy purposes of police. "We must be pre attempted by avow fore supposed frie more insidious, a pretext of enforci not cavil about wo nical distinctions; equivalent to the o accordingly. Utro us ready to meet y fellowship, or in th may will it. Elect "You may ignor Declaration of Ind reduce us to subje of enforcing your blockade our ports meet it with differe We will not permit of any of your ma with our voluntee striped bunting flo a time more stars may sl Slidell's Valedictory. your banner, our children we, will rally under a con tion more numerous and more resplendent than You may smile at this as an impotent boast, a for the present, if not for the future; but if we ships and men for privateering, we shall be supplied from the same sources as now almo clusively furnish the means for carrying on, wit exampled vigor, the African slave-trade-New and New England. Your mercantile marine either sail under foreign flags or rot at your wha "But, pretermitting these remedies, we will to another equally efficacious. Every civilized tion now is governed in its foreign relations b rule of recognizing Governments 'de facto.' alone invoke the doctrine of the 'de jure,' or di right of lording it over an unwilling people st enough to maintain their power within their limits. How long, think you, will the great N Powers of Europe permit you to impede their intercourse with their best customers for their v ous fabrics, and to stop the supplies of the g staple which is the most important basis of t manufacturing industry, by a mere paper blocka You were, with all the wealth and resources of once great Confederacy, but a fourth or fifth r naval power, with capacities, it is true, for a lar and, in a just quarrel, almost indefinite expansi What will you be when not only emasculated by withdrawal of fifteen States, but warred upon them with active and inveterate hostility?" His argument was directed to a justifi tion of the course pursued by his peop He asserted that the revolution was a mo ment of the people, and not a scheme leaders; that it was not a long-contemplat conspiracy, but a public expression of prevalent popular feeling. Mr. Benjamin followe Benjamin's Farewell. delivering his valedicto His former speech [giv on pages 150-51] expounded his views the rights of States. On the present oc sion he reaffirmed those opinions, and ref red to the fact that it was said whatev rights might accrue to the old States, Lo isiana, purchased by the Government, cou not plead any "original independence." I assumed that the State and its people we not a piece of property over which the Go ernment could exercise the jurisdiction bargain and sale; that they were only par of a whole domain fan 11 3 Benjamin's Farewell. MR. CLING MAN'S SPEECH. in order to determine whether or not you have any authority there. It is thus that Boston, in 1861, is to pay her debt to Charleston, which, in the days of her struggle, proclaimed the generous sentiment that 'the cause of Boston was the cause of Charleston.' Who, after this, will say that Republics are ungrateful? Well, sir, the statesmen of Great Britain answered to Lord North's appeal, 'yield.' The courtiers and the politicians said, 'punish,' control. The result is known. History gives you the lesson. Profit by its teachings." The consideration of the Clingman's Speech. President's Message, on the Virginia Peace Convention resolutions, was then called, when Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, addressed the Senate, chiefly in reply to Senator Seward. In his former speech [see pages 63-64] his general views were expounded. He confined himself, at this time, to special points. He proceeded to show that a Republican rule must inevitably result in the abolishment of Slavery, in all It is my States which remained under the old state of things. He said, in all sincerity, to Mr. Crittenden, that, "in his judgment, the issue which North Carolina and Kentucky have to determine is, whether there shall be a manly resistance now, or whether our States shall become free-hegro communities. deliberate judgment that, if this issue had met with no resistance, the latter alternative would have been the result." He recurred, quite at length, to the impossibility of a blockade being sustained, or even allowed by European governments. He drew a sad picture of the disaster which would overwhelm Northern commerce and finances, if cotton were withheld. The South, he assumed, could keep an army of 450,000 men in the field, and, fighting for very existence, would never count its cost. But, the North, to meet this force, must have a relatively greater one. How would it be kept in the field? He conceived it impossible for the necessary army to be rendered available for any length of time-its cost would, of itself, live the North down. The only three courses 343 Clingman's Speech. He referred to the second was then the next best resort; the third would come of its own accord, if something was not done. forts in the South, and confessed that dispatches were sent from Washington for their seizure, when it was learned that they were to be reenforced. The President countermanded the orders for reenforcements, at eleven o'clock at night, but the dispatches had gone forward and the seizures followed. He assumed that it was against the wishes of the people to take Government property, and they only had done so to assure their own safety. Mr. Clingman then referred to the question of recognition of Southern independence by foreign powers a certainty about which there should be no dispute. He proceeded to show that it would be against the order of things not to recognize it after the new Confederacy became a de facto Government. Great Britain, in particular, would come forward, for, notwithstanding her apparent antislavery sympathies, she was going to do nothing to injure her commerce, nor to throw her own masses out of employment. The breaking up of the Charleston Democratic Convention was one of the worst obstacles in the way of the cooperation of all the Southern States in the secession movement. If only one candidate had been in the field, and the Republican candidate had been elected, then the Slave States would all have gone out together; but, that very division in the Convention had been the obstacle in the way to this uniform movement. He said the result would have been the same had there been but one candidate in the field-the Northern majority would have carried all be fore it. The idea of submission to that majority was absurd, if the principle was to be pressed to its entire conclusions. Suppose a free negro had been elected Presidentwould it have been expected of the South to submit? and the Homestead bill he considered as all The Pacific Railway bill, the Tariff bill, inimical to a peaceful settlement, since they left to be pursued were, 1st. A settlement V *We can hardly account for this statement of the Senator. As we have shown, [page 137,] the Republicans were immensely in the minority, on a pop Clingman's Speech. were nothing but Repub- this city changed to one in har- Clingman's Speech. He said of the future, that the Confederacy should meet adverse fortune, and again change its would be divided into several unities-that views, then there might be a reunion and a reconthe anti-Slavery section along the St. Law-struction of the Government. Twice did the Plerence and in New England was not going beians secede, and twice did the haughty Patricians with the States bordering the Ohio and Mis-make such terms of conciliation as rendered Rome the foremost empire upon earth. sissippi Rivers, whose sentiments and interests were too clearly identified with those of the South. He therefore thought the Northern States would divide. He closed: "If the States were now divided into two Confed eracies, and their interests required a union, I do not "The Senator from New York said on one occa-dor, addressing those to whom he was sent, said, sion, not long since, that, in this dispute between the North and the South, it was a matter of conscience with the North, while with the South it was only a matter of interest; and therefore the South ought to yield. By this mode, secession, the conscience of the North can be relieved, without subjecting the South to financial bankruptcy, political degradation, and social ruin. The anti-Slavery current can then run its course unchecked and un trammeled. It has already demanded, at Boston, the removal of the statue of Daniel Webster, because he was willing to compromise with the South.* How long will it be before it requires that the statues of such slaveholders as Washington and Jackson shall be thrown into the Potomac, the monument of the former razed to the ground, and the very name of *It is singular what ideas have prevailed in regard to Webster's views. He was ever a consistent anti-slavery man, and opposed any compromise which would demand a sacrifice of this sentiment. In one of his very latest speeches, made at Buffalo, May 22d, 1851, he said: "If the South wish any concession from me, they won't get it not a hair's breadth of it. If they come to my house for it, they will not find it. I concede nothing. * * No matter what may be said at the Syracuse Convention, or any other assemblage of insane persons, I never would consent that there should be one foot of Slave Territory beyond what the old Thirteen States had at the time of the formation of the Union. Never, never! The man can't show his face to me and prove that I ever departed from that doctrine. He would sneak away, or slink I carry in my bosom peace and war; which will you have?' Reversing his declaration, I say to Senators on the other side of this chamber, You carry in your bosoms, for the country, peace or war; which do you mean to give it? If you say war, then our people will meet you, and struggle with you all along the lines, and wherever else you come; and they will defend their honor and the safety of their wives and children, with the same spirit and resolution they exhibited at Sullivan's Island, and at Kings Mountain, at Yorktown, and at New Orleans, and over the many battle-fields of Mexico. I have no doubt the South will make a triumphal defence, if assailed; but sooner than submit to disgrace and degradation, she would, if fall she must, rather go down, like the strong man of the Bible, carrying with her the main pillars of the edi fice, the edifice itself, and the lords of the Philistines, into one common ruin." Hale's Reply. Hale, of New Hamp- Hale's Reply. MR. TAYLOR'S FAREWELL. gencies of war, the Senator, | tawotomies, or some other tribe Hale's Reply. 345 he said, dwelt upon that force which would be found in the Northern States favorable to the South. "Sir, I would do anything to avoid war that any honorable man can do; but, let not the Senator lay that flattering unction to his soul.settled Japan.' [Laughter.] Well, sir, that is a of American savages. I recol- I tell him if we do have war--God in his providence avert it!-the first thing we will do will be to dispose of Northern traitors. We shall not go South." speculation. Now, this was suggested by the honorable Senator from North Carolina, and it is full of meaning. There were ten tribes went out; and remember, they went out wandering. They left the ark and the empire behind them. They went, as I said before, God only knows where. But, sir, I do hope and pray that this comparison, so instinctive and so eloquent, suggested by the honorable Senator, may not be illustrated in the fate of these other tribes that are going out from the household of Israel." The House, Monday, (February 4th), was Lane, of Oregon, in his brusque manner, demanded to know whom the speaker called traitors. He proved, by his remarks, that he himself was a candidate for treason's honors. "Neither he nor any other man shall call them traitors!" The Oregon Senator evidently considered himself the guardian of secession honor. Hale replied pointedly, that he was not going to define any man's position-engaged almost wholly in considering the he left every man to choose for himself; but, "I repeat," he said, "that if we are forced into a war, I tell you we shall deal with all domestic questions without advice from anybody!" The Senator's further remarks were so characteristic that we quote his lan guage: He "I have but a single word more to say in reply, rather to the Senator's rhetoric than his logic. says the most imposing thing he has seen in this body was when those Senators announced the other day, that they were about to retire. Sir, I saw a ceremony simpler than that, and vastly more imposing about the same time. It was when my friend from the State of Maine, (Mr. Morrill,) coming here under an election from his State, walked up to that desk, and held up his right hand, and called God to witness that he would uphold the Constitution of the United States. That was vastly more imposing to me. The honorable Senator asks, in that overflowing rhetoric with which he has delighted the Senate so long, What will you say when the ten tribes go out?' Sir, I am glad to hear that. Ten tribes did go out from the kingdom of Israel, but the ark of the covenant of the living God remained with the tribe of Judah." [Applause in the galleries.] The presiding officer called to order. Mr. Hale "I think the galleries ought to be ex cused for applauding a reference made to the Scriptures. [Laughter.] I say there is where the ark of the covenant remained. What became of the ten tribes? They have gone God only knows where, and nobody else. It is a matter of speculation what became of them; whether they constitute the Pot Deficiency bill. A Resolution of Inquiry, of fered by McClernand, of Illinois, recited the reported seizure, in New Orleans, of Mint and Custom-house, for revolutionary purposes, and called upon the President for information. The preamble was objected to by Burnett, of Kentucky, who would consent to the inquiry without the preamble. McClernand accepted the amendment proposed; but Craige, of North Carolina, denied all and each of the allegations in the preamble. He was surprised that Mr. McClernand, entertaining the principles which he professed, should present such a resolution. His objection was fatal to its reception, even in its modified form of simple inquiry of the President for information respecting the seizure. Thus conspirators were aided in their schemes by "friends of the South," on the floors of Congress. |